PROSPECTS OF UNIVERSAL PEACE.

Cromwell Argus, Volume XXXVII, Issue 1984, 16 April 1906, Page 7

PROSPECTS OF UNIVERSAL PEACE.

IS INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION POSSIBLE? It will be generally admitted that estimated in the light of later events the first Peace Conference has proved a most lamentable failure ; ami the irony of it is that the Czar himself, who was the leading figure in the inauguration of that Conference during 1898, will be voted the greatest sinner against the interests of peace. To the intelligence of people who are in the least imbued with the military spirit, these later events must have a significance which is ironical indeed. When it is realized that one of the most horrible and destructive of wars in the world's history has been waged within so short a time after the sitti. ■ of the first Peace Conference. it must be granted that the outlook for universal peace does not, on the face of it, appear very promising : and yet. as the darkest hour is said to precede the dawn, it may be that the horrors of the recent war in the Far East will greatly aid in the establishment of an international court of arbitration. There is certainly a growing need for such a court. Apart from the pacific and humanitarian sentiments which cause people to shudder at the carnage ami cruelty of vvarefare, there is an equally urgent need for international arbitration from the commercial and financial point of view. Tf the vast sums of money devoted to naval and military affairs by Great Britain could be turned to some other use—such as old age pensions. for instance — would it not be of immense advantage to the prosperity of the nation ? REASONS FOR UNIVERSAL PEACE. In his invitation to the Powers on the occasion of the first Peace Conference, the Czar made a statement to the effect that the ever increasing financial burdens imposed by excessive armaments attacked public prosperity at its very, roots ; and he represents that the ideal alms towards which the efforts of all Governments should be directed were the , "maintainaace of universal peace," ; with a possible reduction of the excessive armaments, the cost of which | weighs so heavily upon all nations in the present condition of affairs Whatever opinions may have been formed of the ruler of the Russians since he gave utterance to this manifesto, i there can be no doubt as to the truth I and sincerity by the Press of this I and other countries, and his action ■ was warmly approved by many in- ; fiucntial men ; yet it is doubtful | whether any very sanguine expecta- | tions were indulged in concerning the practical outcome of the Conference. Still, the fact that this first Peace Conference has been followed r>y a period of such bloody strife on the part of Russia and other nations is ; no justification for the assumption that a second Conference would be equally futile. It must not be forgotten that the British nation was itself engaged in a costly war at the very time the Hague Peace Conference was sitting. Compared with the terrible struggle with Japan, our South African cam- ' paign was a mere picnic, yet its cost in blood and money was enormous. And what have 'we gained by it ? | The Transvaal is now British territory, of course : but as for any other advantage, it is obvious that the British public is no better satisfied with the results of the South African War than are the people of .Japan with the Treaty of Portsmouth. The difference is that the suddenness of the .Japanese disappoint tnent has caused it to seem more profound, while the disappointment of the British has dawned upon them gradually, and has therefore been taken less demonstratively and with milder protest. This sample of warfare (the South African campaign), with its great cost and practically nil advantages, has probably done much towards sobering any enthusiasm for militarism tlwt was apt to reveal itself i7i England ; ami there is no doubt that it will require some more definite and adequate provocation to rouse the fighting spirit of the British in future. It is more than probable that had it not been for this recent experience of warfare the outcrv against Russia, on the occasion of the outrage on English fishing vessels by the Baltic Fleet would have been much louder and more persistent, and may have led to serious results. The incident was certainly an insult to the British, and was probably intended as such, with a view to drawing us into the conflict. On calm reflection, the British were able to resist the provocation, and accepted arbitration with dignity. This shows how even a great nation may learn how to control itself, and to avoid engaging in a war which is not absolutely indespensable. A QUESTION OF NATIONAL TEMPERAMENT. Of course, there is such a thing as national apathy and a dearth of pa- j triotism, but the British can hardly | be accused of these. Moreover, there ; is no reason to suppose that national pride and patriotism are In any way inconsistent with a dignified de- j sire for peace. Formerly nations \ fought for the sake of conquest and gain, sometimes for the pure love of fighting. Latterly they have fought ; mainly to settle their quarrels, but sometimes for conquest. Now they fight mainly because of misunderstandings, and occasionally because of quarrels. They do not now fight for the mere love of fighting, so that there is to be traced a sort of evolution which may, eventually lead to international arbitration. With increasing intelligence among the people of all nations, increased International communication both social and commercial, and an increasing repugnance of the horrors and the cost of war, there, is no reason to suppose that universal peace is an impossible consummation. A writer in the "Spectator," dealing with this j phase of the subject, says :—"Though | we cannot admit that we have anysanguine expectation of the extinction of war, we confidently believe that the labouring classes throughout the world begin to dislike the idea of it, to see that it costs too much, and to feel, without exactly | understanding, that the sacrifices it j demands fall mainly upon themselves j That side of Socialism at least is ! spreading, and though the world is j not yet quite governed by opinion, | opinion is one of the heaviest fac- I tors in the guidance of events." i HOPEFUL OMENS. I There ore certain features of mod- J ern warfare wUSch indicate the pos- ] sibflEty of a lastt&K peace in tte

' near future. One of these is the extraordinary change in the treatment of prisoners of war. Formerly such prisoners were tortured to death, slaughtered in cold blood, or otherwise employed as slaves of the victors. Now they .are treated with as much consideration as guests. Is i not this a hopeful sign ? Then in ' the case of naval warfare, the world has seen how the fighting ships that have cost many millions of money ami years of labour are apt to he destroyed in a few hours' time. When the ruinousness of such warfare is thus demonstrated, does it not seem like madness to continue it •> The greatest hope of universal peace, however is through international arbitration, and international arbitration can only be arrived at by way of international law. It may be news to some readers to learn that then.' is such an institution as an International Law Association, an institution which has been working quietly for a long period. The twenty-second meeting of this association was held in Christ iania on the lour days beginning September 4. when questions such as that at the head of this article were discussed by some of the leading civilians of this and other European countries. The first paper read was on " International Arbitration." by Dr. \V. Evans Darby, secretary of the Peace Society, London. In the course of his remarks the doctor stated that tint withstanding the terrible conflict in tin-, l-'ar East, and the fact that the continuing "upward march" of armaments has intensified the evils referred to in the j Czar's rescript of 1898, and carried the nations appreciably nearer his anticipated catastrophe, there Is to- , day a cheerful outlook for interna- ' tional arbitration. The outlook has I never been brighter than at the pre- ] sent moment. There lias been a i steady progress perceptible for a con- | siderable time. The objects of the | international Law Association are j the reform and codification of the law of nations, the promotion of pacific relations and settlements between different nationalities, aivei the j establishment of an international j judicature. DANGERS OF NATIONAL PRIDE AND PREJUDICE. Many of the difficulties as well as the possibilities of international arbitration were considered by the I secretary of the Peace Society in his j opening remarks. 'He informed his ! audience that the movement for the i codification of the law of nations I was "brought about by the lack of i precision which is natural to the maI jority of its rulers, on account of i its slow and gradual—and sometimes irregular—growth. Towards the end of his discourse he declared that j "Some of the friends of universal | peace, while commending the spirit j of the Hague Conference, assert that | its permanent court is hopelessly inadequate ; that arbitration treaties i between nations, such as that beI twpcii France and England, will not prevent war, and that the effective I remedy is a world's Parliament of Inations, clothed with a mandate <o preserve peace, and to compel dis- | puling nations to submit their grievi ances and claims to arbitration or the judgement of the Parliament. j The friends of universal peace who ! reason thus do not. apparently recognize, that the employment of force land the appeal to coercion are Ihe | very essence of the old system that ! they would like to reform nuv, of I existence. The rule of a rational I majority is immeasurably preferable j to that of marshalled hosts." I Of course, it is not to be supposed j that universal peace will be Drought I about immediately, or that international arbitration will invariably ! be adhered to in the near future, but j the records of the International Law j Association and the intermation of j the impending convocation of a I second Hague Peace Conference are ! sullicient. proof that leading men are 'endeavouring to minimize the horrors i of war and the dangers of going to I war. There are, it is true, many difficulties to be overcome before universal peace can become an assured thing. National pride and prejudice and jealousy are apt to break out in unexpected places, as witness the rupture between the sister nations of Norway and Sweden, | which have recently shown an inclination to fly, at each other's throat. Still, in spile of occasional outbursts of anger and animosity on the part of various nations, great or small, there are signs that a better and more pacific state of things will be brought about, ami that eventually the world will settle its quarrells otherwise than by means of cruel wars.—"Weekly Budget." ' ■