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Almost free in Pakistan

From “The Economist,” London

On December 30, after eight and a half years of martial law, Pakistan’s President Zia ul-Haq sent the Army back to its barracks. He thus ended a period of military dictatorship marked by repression less brutal than some, during which his skill at manipulating power has contrasted with the failure of opposition politicans to unite against him. This does not, however, put Pakistan’s democracy on a par with India’s: soldiers will continue to dominate both Pakistan’s Cabinet and civil service, the country’s National Assembly is a tame, nonparty affair, and political activity is, 'for the time being, forbidden. Pakistanis were, however, pleasantly surprised that President Zia swept away more of the restrictions and regulations introduced during military, rule than most people expected. Pakistan’s constitution, which has remained’partially’suspended, has now .been fully restored. The clause dealing with such civil rights as freedom of association, speech and assembly has been revived. President ‘Zia has even restored the section which says . that anybody tampering with the constitution is guilty of treason: some members of the opposition hope, if they ever win power, to • try him on that charge. The military 'courts have been .abolished. Although most independ-ent-minded judges resigned during martial law, Pakistanis do now have a better chance of a fair trial. However, those already convicted by military courts have no

right of appeal, and there are still more than 200 political prisoners. In late December, military courts in Sind province sentenced another 60 people to long jail sentences. By staying on as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces, President Zia is avoiding putting anybody else in the job which he held when he overthrew the previous President, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. By keeping this post he also ensures that, if the National Assembly or the opposition politicians defy him, the President can threaten them with another period of martial law. Three out of the four military governors of Pakistan’s provinces are being replaced by civilians, The governor of Sind will stay on, although he will resign from the Army. But many soldiers will • remain in top administrative jobs. During the period of martial law, Army officers were installed in the civil administration, the police force, the foreign service and the public corporations. The opposition says that; unless the soldiers are replaced by civilians, the Army will Continue to ran the country in effect, if not officially. Political activity is to be banned for a year. After that, parties will have to register before they are allowed to operate. They will both have to accept Pakistan’s Islamic ideology and they will be banned if any of their members “defame or bring into ridicule” the Army or the Judiciary. President Zia continues to argue that under an Islamic system parties are unnecessary. Members of the National Assembly privately

admit it is unlikely that President Zia will allow parties to function fully at least until 1990, when the next election is due.

The present assembly should not pose much of a challenge to the President. Only 30 to 40 of its 237 members look like an active opposition; and even they are aware that, if they are to keep their jobs, they will have to mind their parliamentary manners. The opposition outside the assembly, known collectively as the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy, is riven by squabbles. Further splits can be expected when the question of registration presents itself in earnest.

Some parties, such as Tehrik Istiqlal, are likely to register if given the chance, while the Pakistan People’s Party, dominated by the Bhutto family, would probably refuse to. If President Zia feels the need to lock up politicians, he has the means to do so without reintroducing martial law. The Bhutto Government in the 1970 s passed plenty of repressive laws, including one allowing people to be detained for three months without trial. But if President Zia has managed the politicans well so far, his big problem remains unsolved. Another election is due in four years time, which most Pakistanis seem to think the Pakistan People’s Party could win. Miss Benazir Bhutto, the party’s leader, would be happy if President Zia followed her father to the scaffold. Copyright, “The Economist.”

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19860117.2.108

Bibliographic details

Press, 17 January 1986, Page 14

Word Count
706

Almost free in Pakistan Press, 17 January 1986, Page 14

Almost free in Pakistan Press, 17 January 1986, Page 14