Nigeria: Buhari’s basket case

Press, 2 May 1984, Page 14

Nigeria: Buhari’s basket case

Palm oil is a significant Nigerian export. Graft and corruption, however, have made the ea r V J? , th ? .country’s most appropriate symbol. CHRISTOPHER DOBSON, of the Daily Telegraph, London, examines the task facing Nigeria’s new military rulers, who cannot afford to fail to clean up their country.

“Would you come into my office?” asked the hard-nosed corporal, all spruce and military in the steamy heat of Lagos airport, “you will be more comfortable there while someone comes to give you a briefing. The aircraft will wait for you.” He was most polite but made it clear that this was a request that could not be refused. And thus started six hours of alternating farce and fear.

We were a small group of journalists on a press trip to Nigeria, travelling from Lagos to Kanu under the eye of a Nigerian Foreign Ministry “minder,” and it was he who put us in the corporal’s charge because, according to him, we were not properly accredited — although no accreditation is needed to travel to Kanu.

Once we were safely under guard the minder disappeared, ostensibly to seek orders — not easy to obtain on a Saturday night in Lagos. Then the fun started. Men from an assortment of security agencies descended on us. The corporal could not explain why we were being held. It was suggested that we were mercenaries.

A quarrel started over who should take possession of us and erupted into a fist fight during which an Air Police lance corporal deftly removed the magazine from a security force’s sergeant’s sub-

machine-gun when it appeared that he might use it. Eventually, after six hours and the plane long gone with our baggage, we were released with apologies. I have told this story because it illustrates perfectly the confusion that reigns throughout Nigeria. Rumours of coup and counter coup, the breakdown of law and order, arrogance and quick brutality, and the lack of a proper command structure at low level all add to the picture of a country full of natural riches which is in danger, in the words used by Henry Kissinger about another country, of becoming “a basket case.”

It presents a daunting and dangerous problem for the officers led by Major-General Muhammed Buhari who seized power on New Year’s Eve from the civilian government of President Shagari, a government so corrupt it excited wonder and some admiration among politicians throughout West Africa. The Supreme Military Council now has 475 people, mainly politicans and businessmen, in prison. The council would also dearly love to get its hands, on the “fat cats” who fled to London and New York. We were constantly told: “Send them back to us and we will deal with them on Bar beach.” This is the beach at Lagos where a previous military government mounted public executions which were supposed to deter crime but which turned into degrading public circuses. It is a measure of the plight of Nigeria that there should be a demand for the firing squads to return to the beach. Armed robbery is rife. The country’s troubles can be traced to that fount of wealth and bearer of evil: oil. When the price of oil soared after the Middle East war of 1973, Nigeria found itself rich beyond the dreams of avarice. Grandiose projects were initiated. Nothing cost too much as long as everybody got a slice of the action.

If the Customs officers had to be

“dashed” to pass equipment through the docks, why not? And if the Treasury official wanted “dash” to pass your currency papers, give it to him. Soon, “dash,” a long-established custom, became a way of life. Some politicians and officials made vast fortunes while farmers abandoned the fields and came to the cities to get their share. The soldiers were kept sweet by buying them expensive military toys. But there were built-in weaknesses hidden among the glittering prizes: multi-million pound projects, chosen for prestige rather than practicality, incompetent management; poor maintenance relying on replacement rather than repair; and a lack of budgetary control due to the nation’s federal structure, split along tribal lines. Then, when the world fell into recession — partly caused by the high cost of oil — and the demand for oil slumped, disaster struck. Oil production fell from over two million barrels a day in 1981 to around 1.2 million a day in 1983 while earnings from oil fell from $25 billion to $ll billion. Nigeria fell into debt.

The results can be seen throughout the country. At the most expensive hotels, where guests have to put down £lOO a day before taking possession of their rooms, all the management can provide in the bathroom is half a tablet of soap. Washing powder, when it can be found, fetches £5 a packet on the black market. A 50 kilo sack of rice, officially priced at £37, fetches £2OO. Generators have to be used as private back-ups for the national power supply, which constantly breaks down; and now the generators are breaking down for lack of spare parts.

A British architect listed the number of contracts he has had cancelled. He can no longer pay his staff and is shutting up shop and coming home like so many other disillusioned professionals beaten by Nigeria. Yet, despite the difficulties, many of the “ex-pats” would not dream of leaving. They believe in

the current phrase: “Love Nigeria or leave it,” and they love it. They also believe as the car stickers have it “Nigeria is not finished.” But individual gumption cannot put the country to rights. That is the unenviable task of General Buhari and his council of officers. Their first priority is to come to an arrangement with the International Monetary Fund to tide over the $7 billion foreign debt crisis.

Among the demands being made by the I.M.F. in exchange for a loan is the devaluation of the naira. The official rate is almost at par with the pound but its real value is around 4.15 to the pound. Brigadier Tunde Idiabgon, Chief of Staff, swore that, instead of eating imported rice, “we will be eating our cassava, maize and yams.” That is precisely what the I.M.F. wants to hear, but it will not be that easy. Agriculture heeds to be reborn while the country is suffering one of the worst droughts in its history. The Government faces other problems, peculiarly Nigerian. Buhari is being urged to cut the high subsidy on petrol, but he has his power base in the north, where there are long distances between the villages, and naturally enough this proposal meets with violent opposition. He cannot afford to erode his power base. He has enough problems already with a fundamental Islamic sect which had to be put down recently by the army using field guns.

Buhari has to be seen to be doing something. That is why such emphasis is being placed on the campaign to stamp out “dash” and no quarter is given to the gangs of armed robbers when they are caught.

On a different plane he has ordered the review of all projects costing more than £3O million, in some of which British companies are heavily involved. There has been some posting of junior officers and talk of arrests, but the discontent still simmers and if Buhari runs out of time there is little doubt junior officers will overthrow him and plunge the nation into chaos.

Having experienced the behaviour of the non-commissioned officers at the airport, I would not like to be around if that happens.