Unease in the Caribbean

Press, 7 March 1984, Page 13

Unease in the Caribbean

From

JEREMY TAYLOR,

in Trinidad

In this pre-carnival season, much of the Caribbean is dancing to a vibrant calypso by the mighty Gabby, Barbados’s leading singer. “Is it necessary,” Gabby asks, “to have so much soldiers in this small country? Is it necessary to have soldiers’ boots shined with taxpayers’ money?” The chorus runs: “No, no, no, no.”

The song is an expression of unease at the militarisation on which the Eastern Caribbean islands have embarked, a process hastened by last October’s upheaval in Grenada.

Talks have been going on for years about defence arrangements for the tiny, vulnerable Eastern Caribbean islands. The Grenada revolution in 1979 added urgency to them, as did a brief revolt in one of St Vincent’s offshore islands at the end of that year. Then there was Dominica’s experience in facing an attempted coup from its own army and an unsuccessful mercenary invasion. In November, 1982, Barbados and four of its neighbours signed a security pact which provided for low-level co-operation, particularly between coastguards. The thought of Grenada exporting its revolutionary ideas to neighbouring islands began to haunt Eastern Caribbean leaders, and the revolution’s self-destruction last October induced a panic, eased only by the American intervention the continued presence of

United States forces. In Barbados, Prime Minister Tom Adams, who in 1979 sent Barbadian police to help St Vincent put down its offshore revolt, told his ruling Labour Party that a regional standing army was a possibility. “It would give us an additional safeguard,” he said, “namely the protection of small governments against their own armed forces.”

It would defend the area “against mercenary adventure, aggression, domestic revolution, or other violent episodes.” His colleague in St Lucia, John Compton, said a regional force would be established next year under a single command and would be able to move into any island “which showed signs of invasion from internal subversion or external intruders.”

On a flying visit to Grenada and Barbados soon after, the United States Secretary of State, George Shultz, said that the United States would support such a force. In any case the United States had not been idle. Under a SISM programme approved by President Reagan after the Grenada invasion, five states — Barbados, Antigua, Dominica, St Vincent, and St Lucia — have been given substantial military supplies, intruding submachine guns, rocket lawchers, Ml 6 rifles,

vehicles, communications equipment, small arms, and rations. In addition, United States advisers trained new paramilitary units in the island police forces. The idea was to “hold the beaches” until external help arrived, explained Dominica’s Prime Minister, Eugenia Charles. She reserved the right to call for help from any “friendly source.” She said: “My business is to see that my people are safe and secure.” The military build-up has attracted sharp criticism from the Caribbean Left-wing, still in disarray after Grenada. In Guyana, the Working People’s Alliance said that the real threat to peace came from manipulated elections and incipient dictatorships, while in Dominica the opposition Labour Party claimed that the new “sophisticated weaponry” included surface-to-surface missiles and that a United States military base was being built. Miss Charles denied this, saying that it was just a firing range. The idea of a regional defence force is being pushed strongly by the United States, but its structure and ‘ organisation presents problems. Caribbean states have been historically reluctant to allow any substantial authority to pass to regional multilateral institutions. The conditions urtfc- which the

force could intervene in a signatory state would have to be meticulously specified. There are widespread fears that some leaders would be tempted to use the force to help bottle up political opposition.

In Grenada itself one member of the interim administration, Dr Patrick Emmanuel, says that elections would be held in late November. Eastern Caribbean leaders have already endorsed the administration’s decision to keep Caribbean troops and United States personnel in the island at least until then.

The first systematic opinion poll carried out in Grenada suggests that the population has no clear idea of where it wants to go and that none of the present contenders for power is drawing much enthusiasm.

No party attracted more than 5 per cent of popular support, while 62 per cent either said they would not vote at all or did not know whom to vote for. Over half the sample wanted both Maurice Bishop’s New Jewel Movement — which formed the revolutionary government — and the United Labour Party of the discredited Sir Eric Gairy banned from the elections.

Sir Eric returned to Grenada in January, 10 years to the day after his thugs killed Maurice Bishop’s father and hastened the 1979 coup. Copyright — London Observes Ser-