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Dutch migrants to N.Z. in the eighties

By

PIETER de BRES

of Christchurch, a retired Presbyterian minister

and university lecturer.

Since World War 11, an estimated fifteen million people have left Europe voluntarily to build a future elsewhere. Of this fifteen million, approximately half a million departed from The Netherlands. In the peak year, 1952, no fewer than 48,000 people left that country to seek greener pastures. Most of these migrants shifted to Australia, Canada and New Zealand. New Zealand has received well over 30.000 new Dutch settlers since 1946. Most arrived during the early fifties, at a time when New Zealand was conscious that its political and economic future depended on a large intake of migrants.

of the eighties, at the moment the search for “quality” of life prevails. They seek greater personal fulfilment, away from the social pressures of a highly competitive society. Fresh air, outdoor life, a healthier and cleaner environment and a better place to bring up children are attractive features. An anti-materialistic ethos rather than any aspiration for wealth, moves them to emigrate. The decision of some people to migrate results from some special personal situation. Family problems may have made them decide to opt for a fresh start in a new country. Automation may have made them redundant. They may no longer have been able to see a future in The''Netherlands and decided to “make a go of it” somewhere else. An ever-in-creasing fear of nuclear war, the Afghanistan upheaval, and recent developments in Poland have affected the number of enquiries and applications from resultant migrants dramatically. Some migrants, hard to classify, are fed up with some particular aspect of life in The Netherlands. It may be the meaningless luxury, the crowded conditions or the weather. Others are dissatisfied with socialist policies and a welfare system which allegedly promotes an unwillingness to work. They come to New Zealand with the attitude: “Why not have a try? Let’s make use of the favourable subsidy scheme and if, say after two years, New Zealand is not to our liking, we can move on again.” These people are typical of present day world mobility, “trippers” instead of settlers. “Migration” to them is just another shift. They do not realise that it is a radical step which uproots one for life, and requires most careful consideration. In earlier years, most immigrants were tradesmen and unskilled workers, young and unmarried. Almost all were “poor.” Many of them were successful in New Zealand through sheer hard work. Present day migrants arrive more in family groups, or as married couples who have a number of years of employment behind them. They have higher educational qualifications, and specialised skills. Quite a percentage belong to professional groups, and some have university degrees. Many have managerial experience. They are typically middle-class. Not infrequently they have sufficient capital to purchase a home and car as soon as they arrive. Prior to coming to New Zealand they have been informed that the price for a better Way of life in the country of their dreams is the acceptance of an estimated 30 per cent lower standard of living. Their dreams are in accordance with the image New Zealand has projected of itself overseas. New Zealand is seen as a country with a “teaparty civilisation”; a place full of scenic splendour; a little paradise in which everyone can live free of want.

From 1952 onwards, the numbers decreased rapidly, due to improved economic conditions in The Netherlands, and a greater caution on the part of the New Zealand Government 1 towards admitting emigrants. After the war the Dutch Government had pursued an “active” emigration policy. It is often not realised that The Netherlands, although similar in area to Canterbury, has a population of 14 million! But as extensive gas resources were discovered, and new industries got off the ground, the “active” policy changed to a “positive” emigration policy. Although emigration was no longer promoted, those who wished to leave received special assistance, provided of course, the country of their choice offered them an opportunity to immigrate. New Zealand remained a popular choice for potential migrants, but entry was restricted. Permanent settlement was limited to those persons skilled , in occupations determined to be in sufficient demand to warrant recruitment from overseas; to those who already had close family ties with New Zealand; and to those who qualified on other humanitarian grounds. Migration to New Zealand has fluctuated over the years. On the whole the influx has remained below the allowable quota, never exceeding 700, and at one stage dropping as low as 436 per annum (1970). In 1979 the number of arrivals was 510. Then, as the seventies came to a close, and the eighties began, the tide turned.

In 1979, during a period of study leave in The Netherlands, I addressed a number of New Zealand information evenings organised by the Dutch emigration service. In spite of freezing weather and almost impassable roads, hundreds of people travelled long distances to hear about New Zealand. In 1980, The Netherlands again saw a sharp rise in the number of people departing for New Zealand, reaching almost 900. In 1981 close to 1100 arrived in New Zealand. Why the change? In the fifties, people came from a depressed Dutch economy to a then prosperous, New Zealand. What could never be achieved back home — ownership of a house, a business or a farm — was possible here. Although one cannot ignore material aspiration in migrants

On arrival it is discovered that life is not quite like that and that living in New Zealand has its problems too. It proves difficult to make the change from living in a highly developed industrial society to existing in a country at a much lower stage of development. The Netherlands, in recent years, have enjoyed one of the highest standards of living in the world. New Zealand has a depressed economy, and a much simpler way of life. In spite of all ideals, this change is invariably quite traumatic. It has been suggested that adjustment to living in a new country proceeds in four phases. In the initial two years, migrants are very conscious of living in a strange land, and are uncertain in their movements. A limited knowledge of the English language makes communication difficult. They are often inclined to keep close to their own ethnic group. If one partner finds a job, he or she is much more likely to come to grips with the language than the other (more often than not the wife) who is left at home to look after the children. Older children go to school, pick up the language very quickly, and are soon speaking English in the home. The home-staying parent falls behind. The different levels of adjustment during this period often cause friction and conflict. The second phase may last some twenty years and is a period of settling down. Making progress in society and climbing the social ladder, the migrants gain confidence. They often move out of their initial Dutch circle. The third phase is the next fifteen or so years. The migrants have probably achieved greater security. Often they find more time for leisure. They may mix freely with the autochthonous population, but out of some nostalgia, may develop a new interest in their native tongue and culture. At about the time the migrants turn sixty they enter the fourth phase. The children have normally long since left home. The empty-nest syndrome often takes effect as the parents face up to the commencement of retirement. The feeling of emptiness is exacerbated when social contacts from work are lost. At this stage, migrants may be inclined to return, once again, to their own ethnic group, and to their native language. Out of this situation is born the desire to live in ethnic retirement communities. Hence the promotion of “Dutch village” for the retired in Auckland.

Settling in a new country is not always a path of roses. It is a process of adjustment — sometimes a difficult and painful one, and may be accompanied with periods of homesickness and feelings of loss and isolation. To whom can migrants turn for support and advice if they are unable to cope with cultural barriers (including language), or are unable to come to terms with their new environment?

Over the years, support has been drawn from three main sources. It is offered from within the Dutch community itself. The Netherlands Society, for example, is an organisation where fellow migrants can meet and share in many social activities. The Dutch Women’s Club is a mutual support group for women in the younger to middle-aged bracket. The Over-50 group concerns more senior new settlers, particularly those who have come out to New Zealand at an advanced age. Rather than hindering integration, these ethnic organisations help migrants to retain their identity. They provide a feeling of security, making it easier for migrants to live biculturally in our increasingly multi-cultural society. Second, there is support, provided by the Dutch Government. Apart from refugees, the New Zealand Government has never made any special provision for the care of European migrants and has done very little for Dutch migrants following their arrival in New Zealand. The Dutch Government has full-time migration officers stationed in Auckland, Wellington and Christchurch. They may be consulted about employment possibilities and often assist new arrivals with accommodation and finding first jobs. Officially their mandate ends there, but the migration officer's door remains open to most migrants who desire to discuss matters with him. The fact that he is a government officer and public servant, working within defined terms of reference, restricts his movements. He is an administrator, not a social worker, counsellor or pastor.

Church. The last is an ethnic organisation established by a group of more fundamentalist immigrants which still comprises mainly Dutch-born New Zealanders and their families. After small beginnings in the early fifties, it- has now become a vigorous religious community-

Both the Dutch and the New Zealand Governments have regarded further after-care for migrants as a task for voluntary associations — especially the churches, the third source of support for immigrants, in particular the Roman Catholic Church, the Presbyterian Church, and the Reformed

Roman Catholic priests and Reformed ministers concerned with new settlers had in common that they mainly cared for their own members. Their work has emphasised churchrelated activities. The Presbyterian Church, on the other hand, conceived new settlers work more as a service to the community at large. Right from the start, the greatest stress was placed on the wider issues resulting from settling in a new land. This led the Church eventually to appoint a social worker instead of a minister in the Auckland area, specifically for new settlers. Service has always been rendered to people irrespective of their religious affiliation or lack of it. (The social work task was not, of course, entirely neglected by the other religious bodies.) Sometimes these social workers acted as interpreters for lawyers or doctors and nursing staff. At other times mediated in disputes between employers and employees, arising through misunderstandings and communication problems. When language proved a bar to other services, they often acted as counsellors in family crises. When migrants leave their homeland to settle in another country, social ties are severed. They lose immediate personal contact with family and friends, becoming out of reach of brothers, sisters, parents and grand-parents and close friends. It is of crucial importance for migrants to build up a network in the land of their adoption, extending beyond their own ethnic group, bridging cultural differences.

One of the most difficult things migrants have to learn is to rid themselves of ethno-

centrism, and take a positive view of their new environment. This does, not mean that they have to lose their identities. They can continue to believe in their own traditions and maintain their own convictions, but they must also open their minds to the values of the new culture they encounter, and the different ways in which people work and live. Social workers have often offered a helping hand in achieving both these aims. Christchurch has approximately 4000 Dutch-born new settlers. The three voluntary agencies have been assisting those who have required help, but some change is imminent. The Roman Catholic Church recently brought out a new priest to attend to the needs of Dutch settlers here; the Presbyterian Church has decided to discontinue this service. It considers that the time has come for Dutch people to be “integrated,” and that funds can no longer be made available to cover the expenses of an honorary worker. It seems an ironic reversal of policy when immigration is again on the increase. Migration from Europe to New Zealand is likely to continue into the eighties. There will always be people who want to migrate to New Zealand and tnere will always be skills which are in demand here. More refugees are likely to arrive, and Pacific Islanders, virtually unable to make a living in their own countries, must remain a high priority as far as residence grants are concerned. Migrants all have their own contribution to make with the skills they have, or are willing to acquire. One must never forget the benefits which accrue from having migrants in New Zealand. Not only because of their contribution to the country’s economic development, but through the bringing of their own cultural ways to New Zealand we may all be greatly enriched and together build a positive multi-ethnic society.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19820329.2.93

Bibliographic details

Press, 29 March 1982, Page 16

Word Count
2,255

Dutch migrants to N.Z. in the eighties Press, 29 March 1982, Page 16

Dutch migrants to N.Z. in the eighties Press, 29 March 1982, Page 16