Tension is rising in El Salvador

Press, 26 November 1980, Page 24

Tension is rising in El Salvador

By

KEITH LEONARD,

a New Zealander who Is

working in Panama.

Jn the first nine months of 19S0 more than 7000 people have died as a result of bitter class warfare in the tiny Central American republic of El Salvador and the total is rising by 200 each week. Included in this total is Monsignor Oscar Romero, former Archbishop of San Salvador and friend of the poor and exploited. Seven other Catholic priests have also been murdered in recent years because of their support for the popular cause. The Western press has depicted the struggle as one between extreme Right and Left-wing elements while a "moderate” civilian-military junta tries to effect reforms and return the country to peaceful democracy. In reality there is an alliance between the local bourgeoisie, the armed forces and the principal power in the region, the United States of America. This group is opposed by tire great majority of the population who are increasingly organised in political and military groups. The avowed aim of the United States is to prevent “another Nicaragua” and to protect United States investment which derives great profit from the systematic exploitation of the El Salvadorean workforce. As much official policy emanates from the United States Embassy as it does from the Presidential Palace. Since the second half of the nineteenth century, the nature of El Salvador’s economy has been determined by the needs of the capitalist countries — first as a producer of coffee, later of cotton and then as a site for

assembly industries which profit from the extremely low wages of the workers. Consistently the means of production have been concentrated in fewer hands — only 2 per cent of the landowners monopolise over 60 per cent of the land (they control all the most productive land). These members of the land-owning oligarchy (known as the 14 families although in reality their number is closer to 200) also have investments in all sectors of the economy: agriculture, commerce, industry, banks and finance. The first big popular insurrection occured in 1932 when peasants and workers, armed with knives and stones, rebelled against their situation of misery. Within a month, 30,000 of them had been killed. From this date El Salvador was ruled by the military on behalf of the oligarchy (except for brief periods in 1960 and 1961). The continual electoral fraud that kept the military in power culminated in 1972 with the formation of the Popular Liberation Forces (F.P.L.) which saw the only solution for the people as armed struggle (as had been demonstrated in Cuba and has been more recently in Nicaragua). Dissidents from the Christian Democrat ranks formed the Peoples Revolutionary Army (A.R.P.).

Between 1975 and 1977 three new organisations emerged which. although linked to the cladestine poli-tical-military groups, carried out an open work of organisation and political education with the mass of the

population. These groups were the People’s Revolutionary Bloc (8.P.R.), the Front for United Popular Action (F.A.P.U.) and the People’s Leagues (L.P.). These were joined by other groups representing all oppressed sectors of the population (peasants, workers, students, together with small businessmen and some professionals).

By 1979 the popular movement had massive support, adequate funds (estimated at $7O million as a result of bank robberies and kidnappings), and a growing ability to carry out guerrilla warfare. The bulletin of the United States Embassy pub--1 i s h e d the following analysis: “31 Salvador is clearly the next domino and a state of civil war could break out in the next 90 days. We believe that the Salvadorean security forces that number approximately 15,000 men supported by 15,000 other paramilitary and reservists, will be sever-

ely tested in the next months, and we frankly ask ourselves aboijt their ability to pass the test.” ' This analysis led the United States’ to take exceptional action, consisting of the execution of a coup d’etat to allow ”a restricted democratic opening” to defuse the revolutionary movement. The then President. General Romero, was overthrown on October 15, 1979 and replaced by a civi-lian-military junta including elements of the Christian Democrats, Social Democrats. middle enterprise, progressive church. Catholic university and popular organisations. The true nature of this manoeuvre soon became evident and quickly the majority of the civilian elements resigned leaving the very Right-wing Christian Democrats and the military. Recently the more progressive elements of the military have been replaced by reactionary elements. This led to the new formula of “killings with reforms.” On March G

and 7 the ruling junta decreed laws nationalising the banks and for agrarian reform and at the same time declaring a state of siege. From this time onwards killing has been almost the only form of repression. Meanwhile, the popular organisation have achieved a greater degree of unity with the formation of co-ordinat-ing bodies and unified command structures and a Revolutionary Democratic Front (F.D.R.) which has formulated a political platform for the future revolutionary government The guerrilla groups are showing a growing ability to inflict casualties on enemy and demoralise the armed forces of the Right. The fact that the revolutionary forces can operate effectively against sophisticated weaponry (supplied principally by Brazil. Israel and France) and despite the presence of numerous counter - insurgency advisers from the United States demonstrates their ability and popular support. Should the existing junta

prove unable to contain the popular demands then the United States is prepared for the ultimate option — direct military intervention. Vietnam style, but also involving the reactionary regimes of Guatemala and H o n d u r a s and « c Somoza National Guardsmen.

The extent to which class antagonisms are now polarised in El Salvador is shown by this passage from a statement by the F.P.L.: "El Salvador is living in a crucial moment of its history. The exploiters are tightening their forces in order to maintain, at whatever cost, the life of the dependent capitalist system from which they have derived so much benefit, at the cost of the misery and hunger of millions of families' of workers, peasants, etc. The people, tired of centuries of exploitation and oppression, are determined * to free themselves definitiveIv. and to fight all the battles needed to achieve this.”