New Hebrides’ path to independence

Press, 22 May 1978, Page 16

New Hebrides’ path to independence

By

JOHN WILSON

I of “The Press”

The obstacles that have been preventing the path of the New Hebrides to independence being a smooth one have been largely removed by two recent developments: meetings between Britain and France at which the two condominium powers agreed on the steps towards autonomy for the group in 1980; and an agreement between the Vanuaaku Pati and the "representative” government which was set up after the elections of Ncrvember last year. At the meetings, which concluded earlier this month. Britain and France agreed to certain steps being taken immediately towards the goal of independence in 1980 A single criminal law and court system and a single currency are to be established (in a country where two systems have existed side by side since the condominium was established in 1906). Elections are to be held in 1979, the new assembly having the task of endorsing a constitution for independence to be drawn up in the aext vear by a special commission.

Britain and France may have agreed to hand the New Hebrides over in 1980, but they could not be sure of an organised government to which to hand over the group. The ’..lands have a representative government, headed b- a Chief Minister, Mr Georges Kalsakau. But this Government "represents” only the Fre n c h-oriented political groups in the islands, the most important of which is the Tan Union. The November 1977 elections, which preceded the appointment of a Council of Ministers in January. 1978, were bovcotted by the predominantly English-speaking Vanuaaku P, '.i, bec?"«p Britain and Francr refused to meet its demands for immediate independence and refused to make concessions about how the elections were to ha th. Instead the Vanuaaku Pati set up a People’s Provisional Government.

In their recent talks. Brita'-> and France declined to go so far as to accord this provisional government anv recognition, but thev did concede that the government “elected” (in fact no

poll was necessary because no seats were contested) in November was not truly representative of the people of the New Hebrides. This was a wise concession, for when the Vanuaaku Pati contested the 1975 elections it won a clear majority of the seats in the assembly. It was inconceivable that a British-and-French-sponsored representative government which excluded the Vanuaaku Pati could rule an independent New Hebrides. The path to independence was bound to be rocky unless the Council of Ministers and the Vanuaaku Pati could agree tn sink their differences and accept a common programme of steps leading to full political independence. This they appear to have done.

In April, Mr Kalsakau, the President of .he Vanuaaku Pati, the Rev. Walter Lini, and the President of the Representative Assembly. Mr M. Carlot, signed a sevenpoint agreement. The agreement stressed the need for unity and the maintenance of law, order and peace in the New Hebrides before independence. It acknowledged the need for a further election, but onlv after a full census and the nrovison of identity cards for all voters and only after an ad hoc committee had been set up to discuss reform of the electoral svstem. Also recognised was the need for discussions between the Cab'net of ’he Vanuaaku Pati and the Council of Ministers 'which means m effect discussions between the Vanuaaku Pati and the other political parties on the islands) on land, education, law and iudicial reform. A special committee on land will be set up. Both F r ench and English are to be retained as languages used both in schools anH in 00.-ornrnent. The acknowledgement of th“ need for pi'-ctr’-aj reforms and a new electcal rooieter won’ some way towards satisfv’ng the Van"anku P-»ti which h»d withdrawn from the I°'"’ elecbecause similar -e-

forms wore mt mode hofn-n those elections. Sc did the arknnwled<»emenr that the land Question shov'd be discussed among the New Hebridean parties The Vanuaaku Pati firsf emerged because of concern about the

alienation of nati e land and has declared it is determined return alienated land to the original native owners. The Vanuaaku Pati has, for its part, retreated from demanding immediate independance and recognised the need for further internal adjustments before the colonial powers withdraw. It has accepted that the approach to independence should be gradual, at least to the extent that there should be further elections before independence.

In the second week in May the party set the seal on its concessions by suspending its People’s Provisional Government, thus finally clearing the way for elections next year and independence in 1980. ,

The reasons for this may be a weakening of Vanuaaku Pati resolve over the difficult task of maintaining the People’s Provisional Government without aid from the colonial powers. Support for the Vanuaaku Pati may have been slipping as it became clear that Britain and France were not going to yield independence unless the New Hebrideans adjusted their internal differences On the other hand. Mr Lini and other leaders,of the Vanuaaku Pati may have accommodated their position to those of the British and French and of the other New Hebridean parties because thev feared that militant sections of the Vanuaaku Pati were winning greater support for their claims that violence would have to be used to oust the colonial powers.

Eruptions of communal unrest (of which there was a slight taste at the time of the November elections) are still possible. But so long as most New Hebrideans remain unwilling to see force used to attain what will be theirs in two vears at the most, those in the Vanuaaku Pati who have agreed to coonerate with the Council of Ministers and the condominium powers on terms that do not offend the basic principles for which the Vanuaaku Pati has stood — majority rule and a resolution of the land question in favour of the indigeneous owners — are likely to retain the upper hand within the party.