Union in Vietnam

Press, Volume CXVI, Issue 34130, 17 April 1976, Page 14

Union in Vietnam

The planning, in Hanoi, for a General Elfection towards the end of this month in a theoretically unified Vietnam suggests that the Communists feel that “ re-education ” in the South is now at a reasonably advanced stage. The formalities of unification will follow the election. There are, as yet, no definite arrangements for a census to establish the total population, thought to be about 20 million in the South and 24 million in the North. What is certain, however, is that the voting will be little more than a formality. Candidates will be screened to establish their suitability for membership of a National Assembly to be run on approved Communist lines Census or not. Hanoi, through its politburo member directing unification. Truong Chinh. will see to it that Communist preferences will dominate the polling. There was a time, immediately after the American withdrawal a year ago. when Hanoi was prepared to tolerate a protracted period of coalition government in the South. That mood of tolerance has given way to one almost of urgency.

The re-education courses may almost be described as a remarkable achievement. They were designed to embrace every class of society, every occupational group, including the military—virtually every’ person in the South. This entailed setting up an astonishing network of committees and cells, to cover provincial and city councils and trade unions, and even to include pressure groups within religious organisations Specialist courses were arranged for the so-called intelligentsia—doctors. lawyers, engineers, and journalists. It would be naive to suppose that the over all authority of the ideological cadres was ever relaxed. The courses, nevertheless, allowed ordinary citizens some voice in the making of decisions, which most of them had never had before. The main emphasis seems to have been the need to persuade the Vietnamese, whether of North or South, that they would no longer be subject to overriding French or American influences. There are vast problems to be overcome before anything like a stable social order can emerge. Especially in the war-ravaged South, a health problem exists on a shocking scale, with venereal disease, tuberculosis, and even leprosy rampant. One estimate, released on the authority of the World Health Organisation, is that during two decades of war 533 communityhealth centres, some 120 district and provincial hospitals and 24 research centres and specialist hospitals were destroyed.

Such figures underline the magnitude of the task of reconstruction confronting the regime now being directed from Hanoi. In matters of foreign policy Hanoi is seeking to maintain a delicate balance between Moscow and Peking. The Chinese approach to an ideological detente has been discreetly quiet. The Russians, on the other hand, probably’ feel that the extent of their military aid to Hanoi during the war entitles them to favoured recognition. Their interest, also, is likely to reflect the political theory, fortunately yet to be tested, that Communist dominance in Hanoi could lead in time to dominance over al) Indo-China

Hanoi must also be conscious of the fact that all resistance did not end with the departure of American troops and aircraft. A few months ago there were as many as 100.000 North Vietnamese troops in and around Saigon, trying to subdue several guerrilla organisations, including one Roman Catholic group, still opposing the new order. Their liquidation is probably only a matter of time: but in the meantime thex are an unwelcome distraction from the urgent tasks of social and economic rehabilitation. One other point that may be noted is that the attitude of the United States towards Hanoi appears to be softening This at least suggests that when, as is expected, a unified Vietnam applies for membership of the United Nations, the application will not provoke an American veto.