PROFILE: GEORGES POMPIDOU GAULLIST PRESIDENT WAITS FOR HIS NEXT PARTNERS

Press, Volume CXIII, Issue 33147, 10 February 1973, Page 14

PROFILE: GEORGES POMPIDOU GAULLIST PRESIDENT WAITS FOR HIS NEXT PARTNERS

By

SIMON KAVANAUGH

General de Gaulle, the iron man of France, bequeathed absolute power to President Pompidou—and Pompidou has accepted the burden with relish.

Nothing important happens in the country without his approx al. His powers are greater even than those exercised by the President of the United States. It is understandable why he has been called France s ‘one man orchestra.”

Such is Pompidou’s reputaition as a strong man that Francois Mitterand. the Socialist leader, has compared him to Marcel Caetano. the authoritarian ruler of Portugal, to General Franco ■and the Greek colonels. Pompidou has not responded to the charge — in . public at least—and that is I entirely in character. The iPresident knows the x-alue of silence. He believes strongly (in keeping the public, his opponents and even some of his political allies, guessing. Post-election plans i He is evasive about his plans should the SocialistCommunist coalition win a, majority at the crucial March I elections. Pompidou, schooled in Gaullism for almost 30 years, is hardly likely to be able to work amicably with a united Left government. So what will he do? “I refuse to say anything at all about my conduct after the elections except that what I do will be in conformity with the Constitution.” Pompidou and the French ; Constitution get on well together. Both are flexible and; are open to a xvide variety ’of interpretations. However, the President has made one thing clear. He was voted into power for a sevenyear term in 1969. He has three years to run and he is going to make quite sure he! is still in the Presidential! palace in 1976. Much has changed in the; politically unambitious man de Gaulle had to coax into public office more than 10 years ago. Rothschild banker Then, Pompidou was inl control of the Rothschild; banking operations in France.( an appointment of huge, power and influence. De, Gaulle, who had known him; for 20 years and respected; his abilities, offered him the! Finance Ministry. The Rothschilds refused to release him. Soon afterwards, de Gaulle went one better and offered him the Prime Ministership. Pompidou accepted with a shrug of the shoulders and a mild complaint that his old office furniture was more comfortable. For six years he worked under the shadow of de Gaulle. He was called “the almost invisible man” because of his lack of prominence. But once de Gaulle had gone the schoolteacher’s son from the impoverished Auvergne province showed that he had learned a lot from the general. He was sufficiently sure of himself to tinker with some of the hallowed policies laid down by de Gaulle. No longer did he insist on struggling against United States hegemony in Europe. He toned down the qbsessively nationalistic policies of

'the general. He was more reajsonable towards Britain’s membership of the Common Market. But for all his comparative moderation he has ’nonetheless inherited a firm authoritarian hand from the general. Appearances rationed The political editor of the (leading French newspaper. “Le Monde.” described Pompidou’s progress thus: “He is a man who enters by the ; little door, imposes himself and then comes down the staircase of honour at the head of the cortege.” ' To many of the French people Pompidou is aloof. He l rations his public appearances, and his rare press con-; ferences — he has held eight since his election in 1969 — are rarely illuminating. It is perhaps this lack of public) exposure that explains his l poor showing in last year's) referendum on Pompidou’s' European policy. Only 36 per! cent of the people voted! “Yes" to the President's plan, (and that was fewer than the! (number of abstentions.

( Even when Pompidou was ’elected President he received ’only 37 per cent of the vote. But the President has some fans. Like the bikini girl who rushed up to him while he was walking along a beach in i the South of France xvith his (wife, and kissed him on the (cheek. Pompidou, delighted, i returned the compliment. If his popularity in France is not all it might be, his standing on the xvorld politi-; cal stage is firm and imposing. Soon after the start of the nexv year Pompidou visited Russia where it was obvious that the Russian lead’ers wanted him to remain I very much in control of

|French policy. They do not (want their good relations with the President rocked bx ’the electoral success of the united Left. Communist-sup ported or not. The Russian visit was timed close to the elections so that the President could prove to the electorate whai an international statesman he is. To improve this image he also took in Djibouti m East Africa and Ethiopia Gaullism fracturing As President, Pompidou would doubtless like to stax clear of the political skirm lishing. But Gaullism, after many years of undisputed power, is beginning to frac jture with internal dissension. Pompidou no doubt believes ’that the party needs his majestic weight behind it to ensure yet another term r-t I office. | In the meantime he con- ' tinues to rule with style from the Elysee Palace. His reign (there has been marked by a slackening of the strict pmitocol that was a feature of de Gaulle’s presidency. Pompi’dou is less concerned about security than his predecessor and he and his wife believe in entertaining all sections of the country’s intellectual, artistic and sporting community. His upbringing among country people has resulted in Pompidou having many of their interests and enthusiasms. He is for example a ,fanatical follower of Rugby 'football about xvhich he can 'talk for ages like any fan. But (such diversions will hax'e to |be put firmly in the background as Pompidou xvaits to (see who xvill be his ruling (partners for the next few I years.