Right-wing extremists in Italy described

Press, Volume CXI, Issue 32524, 6 February 1971, Page 7

Right-wing extremists in Italy described

(Byf

PAUL HOFMANN,

, of the New York Times News Service, through N.Z.P.A.)

ROME. From Milan to Messina, squads of young Right-wing extremists—the latest model of neo-

Fascism—are bursting on to the Italian scene the way the ultra-Leftist urban guerrillas did about three years ago.

These days the Italian Communist Party, the strongest in the West, ostensibly abhors political violence as “adventurism,” though the unions that it controls often use strong-arm tactics in labour disputes and a growing youth group outside the patty apparatus often paralyses schools and is taking to the streets.

In late January the Communist Party announced a broad “anti-Fascist action” throughout the country to stamp out neo-Fascist violence.

The radicals of the Right, wearing crash helmets and, occasionally, black shirts, rough up political adversaries with steel bars and bicycle chains, shoot jagged marbles at policemen with slings, plant plastic bombs and sometimes—as in the troubles in Reggio Calabria—build barricades. Mussolini recalled The commando-type neoFascists, who have no quams about flaunting some of the paraphernalia of the Mussolini era, make the old model Parliamentary neo-Fascists appear a part of the establishment.. Georgio Almirante, leader of the Parliamentary neoFascist party, which calls itself the Italian Social Movement, said in a recent interview: “We don’t want disorders, violence or civil war.”

He quickly added: “We don't think we have to submit to violence. We think we must defend ourselves.” In Mr Ahnirante’s Rome office there is a large picture of II Duce wearing a steel helmet, as well as a black standard from his last-stand “Social Republic.” In its first convention in Naples in 1948, the party defined itself as “social but, not Socialist, national but not nationalistic.” Today it stands for Coldwar anti-communism, pro-

fesses to support the Italian Armed Forces and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, and shows open sympathy for the Governments of Spain and Greece.

The old Fascist anti-Semi-tism has gone. The party is anti-Arab in its assessments of die Middle East conflict. Law and order In domestic politics the party stresses the law-and-order theme and advocates revival of “corporativism,” a nebulous system of Statedominated labour-manage-management bodies that never really worked under Mussolini. Mr Almirante, a wiry 55-year-old deputy and former journalist, asserted that Communist strong-arm squads all over Italy “have only two targets—the Italian State and us.”

The Communist Party is the second strongest Italian political force after the Christian Democrats, who have been in power without interruption since the war. More than a fourth of the voters back the Communists in every election. The deep divisions among the Christian Democrats favour the Communists’ bid for power. Some of the Christian Democratic factions support collaboration with the Communists, causing deepening malaise among the moderates.

New Order, a Rightist youth movement that may have a couple of thousand members and plays with neoNazi ideologies and symolism, has rejoined the party after going it alone for some years.

Asked about other militant groups that are obstensibly outside the party, Mr Almirante remarked “We don’t use them and we don’t disavow them either.” 24 deputies

Formally the movement belongs to die Democratic system, for which it expresses contempt, it has 24 deputies in the 630 member chamber and 13 senators in the 322seat Upper House, representing constituencies throughout the nation. The party advanced in administrative elections last June, polling 5.2 per cent of the vote, as against 4.3 per cent in the preliminary elections in May, 1968. The party claims a cardcarrying membership of

400,000 and says that 30 per cent are under the age of 20. The neo-Fascist party runs a labour movement, the Italian Confederation of National Labour Syndicate, which says it has a million backers in a labour force of 20 million. Italy’s three major labour movements, which include Communist and non-Commun-ist unions with a membership of five-million, refuse to sit at the bargaining table with the neo-Fascist organisation in talks with management or the Government. A 1952 law made it a crime to reorganise the Fascist party or “pursue its antidemocratic aims.” Anyone who publicity “extols the exponents, principle, facts or methods of fascism” is liable to five years imprisonment a mere “manifestation of fascism,” like saluting with the outstretched arm, may land the offender in gaol for three months. With an eye on the law, the Italian Social Movement is not formally cultivating the symbols of the Mussolini regime. While nostalgic members could buy gold and silver coins with the likeness of Il Duce at the party’s convention in Rome in November, nc black shirts were to be seen.

The convention triumphantly re-elected the Almirante as the leader of a party that had for years been rent by factional fights. “Alone among all the political forces in Italy we are compact,” he said in the interview.

“We are gaining strength. Why should we want violence? We want respect for the law, if by chance we were to violate the law, let it hit

Despite such talk, the party is accused by its adversaries of fostering—none too secretly—the combative ultra-rightist. The party certainly does not condemn the neo-Fascist squads that are making sorties almost daily and are recriuting among the young.’

The instructors of the young recruits talk much about the Communist-menace in Italy and promise them that in a few months they will be ready for “action” in schools and in street fighting, perhaps in Reggio Calabria. Violence broke out in that city of 150,000 in the deep south last summer when the regional parliament of

Calabria, one of 15 newly established. administrative units, was convened in Catanzaro, a rival city. From the beginning young Right-Wing extremists were in the forefront.

Petrol bombs The rioters hurled petrol bombs into government buildings and at police vehicles, built barricades in the streets, tore up railway tracks and cut off the city from the outside world for several days. The troubels have flared up again in recent days. Incidents in many other cities, including Trento and Milan, are causing some alarm.

In Milan, the groups of neo - Fascists and their mercenaries, who are known as “pestatori” (kickers) and “piccniatori” (beaters), form a welter of semi-clandestine networks with such names as Young Italy, Mussolini Assault Squads, and “National Vanguard.” Many Italians are convinced that the neo-Fascists and the ultra-Right are receiving funds from Greece and Spain, but that is hard to prove.

Since its creation the party has notoriously been given funds by businesmen and property owners who fear political and social upheaval. Italian officials whose business it is to follow extremist and illegal political activities estimate that no more than 5000 young people are active members of neo-Fascist squads, but the experts fear that the movement may grow unless the State asserts its authority and curbs all violence.