Chinese Influence In Middle East Examined

Press, Volume CX, Issue 32391, 2 September 1970, Page 8

Chinese Influence In Middle East Examined

(BV

HARALD MUNTHE-KAAS)

Charles de Gaulle once said the Arab-Israeli war I in 1967 “brought us the I Soviet fleet in the Mediterranean. The next one will bring China to the Middle East.'’ No larger war has yet broken out, but the Chinese already are well on their way.

Reluctant to antagonise Egypt and President Gamal Abdul Nasser—since China’s policy is to unite all possible forces in an anti-Soviet and anti-United States front— Peking has carefully avoided direct criticism of Nasser's heavy reliance on the Soviet Union, or his agreement’ to the United States latest peace plan for. the Middle East.

But through oblique references in public statements, and through friends and allies abroad, the Chinese have let it be known that they do not believe in any compromise in the war against Israel, and that they are squarely behind those who seek a solely military solution.

China's reaction to the latest peace proposals has been one of total rejection. Peking claims it is an “out-and-out Middle East Munich plot which sacrifices the interests of the Palestinian people and the Arab countries.” The Russians, of course, are believed to be in on the plot, “carrying out activities behind the scenes ... to help United States imperialism bring pressure upon the Arab countries.”

‘Monstrous Intrigue’ This view is shared fully, naturally, by the militants in the Middle East. Yasir Arafat, leader of the Palestinian guerrillas, told his hosts during a red-carpet visit to Peking last March that “our people are facing a monstrous intrigue, aimed at undermining our revolution and stoppling its advance, from behind our backs. This intrigue is international and domestic. I external and internal.” When news of Nasser’s acceptance of the American! peace initiative—which undoubtedly followed some ex-| cruciating arm-twisting dur-j ing his recent Moscow visit—l reached the Palestinian guerrillas, they called for a “mobi-l lisation of all our power, by force of arras and by the masses, to foil this new plot.” And the Chinese could scarcely have agreed more. Last March, Chinese VicePremier Li Hsien-nien, at a Peking banquet to honour Arafat, praised the Palestin ians for setting what he called a heroic example to the peoples of the Arab lands, declaring that they had opened a “new chapter in the annals of the Middle East peoples’ struggle against colonialism.” Li told Arafat: “United States imperialism, and social-imperialism (the Soviet Union), now are contending and colluding with each other at the same time. Each, with its own motive, is carrying out activities to intimidate, bribe, deceive and divide the Arab countries, in a futile attempt to force the Palestinian people and the people of the Arab countries to give up armed struggle.” And he added: “The Chinese government and people firmly support the Palestinian people, and the people of the

Arab countries, in their just struggle, which will certainly be victorious.” China was the first power to back up the guerrillas, both politically and materially, and the Palestinian Liberation Organisation maintains a permanent mission in the Chinese capital. While maintaining staunch support for the cause, however, Peking has tried to improve I its own strained relations with established Arab governments, especially Egypt. Chinese Overtures Chinese-Egyptian relations cooled sharply in 1966, when Cairo requested the recall of Peking Ambassador Chen Chia-kang for alleged connections with local pro-Commun-ist activists. Chen left almost immediately. After the June 1967 war, China abruptly withdrew a promise of eco-: nomic aid because of the Egyptian government’s seemingly soft line at an Arab summit in Khartoum.

In 1968, Cairo incurred further Chinese wrath by refusing to extradite a young Chinese who sought political asylum in Egypt. That year, Egyptian Foreign Minister Mahmoud Riad accused the then Chinese Ambassador. Huang Hua, of having provided large sums of money to student extremists. China never replied directly to this charge.

Earlier this year, Peking began efforts to repair its iimage in Cairo by sending a I delegation to sign a trade agreement: and last June, an experienced diplomat named Chai Tse-min was appointed ambassador to Cairo, a post left unfilled for almost a year after Huang’s departure. China has made overtures to other Arab countries, including Syria, Sudan, Algeria ■ Libya, and Iraq. There have i been several delegations between China and these countries.

! While Peking is trying actively to promote friendly government-to-government relations, there now is little doubt that the Chinese regard the Palestinian Liberation Organisation and similar I groups emerging elsewhere in ithe Arab bloc—as their linchIpin in the Middle East. China 'is in no hurry: it is convinced that time is on its side. The [polarisation of anti-Israeli [forces between pro-Moscow 'Nasser and the increasingly pro-Peking guerrillas supports I this latter theory and, for the present, the Chinese do not have to expend much effort to get things going their way. Maoist Geurrillas This may be less so in the southern part of the Arab peninsula, well outside the central crisis area, where an avowedly pro-Chinese guerrilla movement now is building up. The new Chinese Embassy in Southern Yemen is playing an important role in aiding and inspiring this movement. It is a fact that despite feeble beginnings in 1965, a fully-fledged Maoist guerrilla force is operating in the Dhufar area.

This calls itself the People’s Front for the Liberation of the Occupied Arabian Gulf.' Recently it has spread to neighbouring, Oman, where the National Democratic Front for the Liberation of Oman and the Arabian Gulf has been established. The leaders of these two formations, pro-Chinese operating out of Southern Yemen, make no attempt to mask their ideological leanings. Praising China for its “enormous support” they say that “in accordance with the experience of the Chinese revolution under the leadership of the great leader, Chairman Mao, our People’s Front has formulated a line of self re-

liance . . . using the countryside to encircle the cities, ultimately seizing them and developing the revolution to the whole of the Arabian Gulf.” Maoism has come to the Middle East, and it is there to stay. Any regional political settlement which fails to take into full account the interests of the Palestinian guerrillas and their Arab sympathisers clearly will fail. A “big-power settlement” which ignores the Palestinians will push the latter even closer to the Mao Tse-tung’s line of protracted warfare. Thus for Peking, the revolutionary prospects in the Middle East today must appear to be excellent indeed.— Intrasia Press Agency.