Something Has To Give

Press, Volume CIX, Issue 32077, 27 August 1969, Page 13

Something Has To Give

ffl.Z. Press Assn. —Copyright) BELFAST, Aug. 26. The Northern Ireland Government is being given a “reprieve” by the opposition within their ranks, on the condition that the Prime Minister (Major James Chiches-ter-Clark) asks for an assurance from the British Home Secretary (Mr James Callaghan) i < morrow that the “B” Special Constabulary will not be disbanded, and that there will be no major interference with the constitutional role of Stormont, writes Julian Mounter, of “The Times.”

But reports that Major Chi-chester-Clark has already given this assurance to the back-benchers have been denied by reliable sources in Belfast

The rebels are basically the same group instrumetal in the overthrow of Captaiin Terence O’Neill from the Prime Ministership at the beginning of the year. In the last few days they have apparently gathered enough unofficial support to be able to split the Unionist Parliamentary Party as wide as they did last time. But the group’s members have decided to bide their time to avoid presenting Westminster with a picture of com-

plete confusion in Ulster’s politics. In the nature of a frightened man in the passenger seat, the rebels want the pace to slow down before they start Wrestling with the driver.

One 1 can almost taste the tension that exudes from Stormont politicians at the end of what most see as the most critical fortnight in Northern Ireland’s recent history. “It cannot be left at this, someone has to move—Paisley, Wilson, the civil rights boys, Faulkner, the G.0.C., anyone. They are all pulling out and pushing, and sometiring has to give,” said a young backbench Unionist M.P. who is almost open about his intention of leaving the Chichester-Clark vehicle as soon as one led by either the hard-liner, Mr William Craig, or by Mr Brian Faulkner, the Minister of Development, presents itself.

Three things may give, observers believe: the temper of the extreme protestants, possibly in the form of a refusal by the “B” Specials in country areas to come under the orders of the Army; the patience of the rebel group whose members, mostly representing hard-line constituencies, fear that their silence, at a time when Westminster appears to be nibbling at the Constitution, threatens their very existence; and the judgment of the ambitious and increasingly popular Mr Faulkner, who was narrowly beaten for the leadership last February by Major Chichester-Clark and > who, many, think, is the only '

i person capable of standing up i to Westminster. • The extreme Protestants in i general, and the Rev. lan Paisley in particular, seem ■ most likely to provide the next move. Behind the scenes some have been putting pressure on the Specials to make a stand. What seems to have spiked the attempt is that the Specials are as yet without a natural leader. They seem loath to follow Mr Paisley for fear of appearing to admit to the accusations of extremism levelled at them for decades by Roman Catholics, for weeks now by the press, and—it appears to them—by inference for days by Whitehall. How long the rebels will abide by their decision of this week-end, to wait and watch, would seem to depend greatly on Major Chichester-Clark's actions, or lack of them, in the coming week. If he makes a mistake big enough to become an excuse, they may move. But it is understood that one or two of the more powerful men among them have strongly advised against a rebellion, saying that it would only strengthen the case for further Westminster control. The predominant Protestant fear in Ulster seems to be that London will wrest, bit by bit, so many powers from Stormont that a complete reassessment of the Irish situation becomes a logical conclusion. However impractical it may seem, they also fear that this would lead to a “sell-out” to the Republic of Ireland.

The militants think their only weapon Is to frighten the British Government by saying that they will land the problem on the floor of the House of Commons if pushed too far. Were Mr Faulkner to resign his Cabinet post at this time, it would almost certainly precipitate a rebellion that would make the one against Captain O’Neill seem mild. The feeling in Belfast is that Mr Faulkner could win a commanding majority within the Parliamentary party; he has been banging on the door of the Prime Ministership longer than anyone else in Stormont, but his supporters say that he will not make an attempt again until it is exactly the right time. And this is not it But Mr Faulkner must know, they conclude, that the support he has from both the hard-liners, and some “liberals” wino until last February were against him, will not last long if he continues to give his sanction to measures like those that came from the recent talks in London between the British Prime Minister (Mr Harold Wilson) and Major Chichester-Clark. Much will now depend on how Mr Callaghan handles his delicate position tomorrow. If he manages to persuade Northern Ireland that Stormont still has control of the game, but Westminster is being a referee, he may ward off any trouble that may be brewing for Major ChichesterClark.