Unease Over Deutschmark Strength

Press, Volume CIX, Issue 31984, 10 May 1969, Page 13

Unease Over Deutschmark Strength

(tt.z. Press A««n.— copyright) nrtxTvr n BUNIN, May y.

Hardly anything illustrates the European situation more clearly than reactions to the present currency crisis, writes Richard Davy, of “The Times.”

Everyone is staring fixedly at Bonn to see what is going to be done about the deutschmark. Bonn, however, is staring fixedly at Paris, and is not Intending to do anything until the French, and others, are ready to talk about a general realignment of currencies. In London, or some other distant capital, it is easy to magine West Germany trying to assume the cast-off mantle of General de Gaulle and dictating the future of Europe. Nightmare visions begin to spread of the German colossus rousing Itself again to achieve with the deutschmark what it so nearly achieved with the tank and jackboot 30 years ago. Take a distant look at the

map of Europe, or at a few economic statistics, and the swe at comes easily to one’s

brow. But come to Bonn and things look very different No-one here seems to be making new jackboots out of the deutschmark. The place is full of desperately careful, anxious pragmatists who

could scarcely be imagined banging a fist on a table to

save their lives. All the talk is of partnership, not hegemony; of cooperation, not coercion. If General de Gaulle has left a gap in Europe, most leading Germans see it being filled by a new and more realistic French Government not by a more assertive German Government If new hopes are unfolding shyly in the spring sunshine, they amount at the moment-to no more than a belief that it may gradually become possible to resume the laborious and carbful carpentry of European unity. Obviously the West German Government is anxious to play a leading role in the process, but most of its members shy away like frightened hones from any suggestion that they might dominate or determine the • course of events.

“Let us have no new grand designs, ho visionary plans,” a leading politician said the other day. 'The Treaty of Romo provides for the enlargement of the community and gives us plenty of work to go on with.” That is the basis of West German policy at the moment. It includes an open mind about political consultations outside the Common Market, an interest in commercial arrangements with non-mem-bers, and a frank acknowledgement that even if the French Government slowly drops its political objections to British entry—which nbone expects to happen overnight—there will be long and very difficult technical negotiations. There is not much interest

in the idea of a looser community put to the British Ambassador in Paris by President de Gaulle;’ and there would be some dismay in Bonn if these ideas were revived.

On the whole, cautious optimism is the order of the day. It is, however, threatened by a cloud that is still no bigger than a man’s hand but is watched from Bonn with anxious fascination.

It represents the threat that the other nations of Europe will be so afraid of German domination that they will band together in some way to prevent it.

Hints of thinking along these lines have Altered through from the French Prime Minister (Mr Georges Pompidou) and from certain quarters of the British Con-

servative Party which do .not include the leader (Mr Edward Heath), At least one senior member of the British Labour Party has also been heard talking about building a leading world role for Britain on a European foundation. Fortunately, the Prime Minister (Mr Harold Wilson) himself has been reassuring in private talks, and the Foreign Secretary (Mr Michael Stewart) was applauded in Bonn on May 2 when he said that it was nonsense to suggest that Britain should enter Europe to counter-balance German domination. But the fear that the nineteenth century dies hard in British diplomacy is still prevalent in Bonn. Even Dr Kiesinger, a firm believer in

British entry to the Common Market, is occasionally haunted by the memory of a city gentleman who approached him in an oyster bar 10 years ago and asked affably: “And what are your Junkers doing these days, then?”

A senior official said the other day: “Britain really must give up the idea of playing off one power against another Germany against France, or all against Germany. These concepts are out of date in modern Europe. The whole point of the European movement is precisely to end that sort of thinking. We must have real co-oper-ation or we won’t get anywhere—and nor will you.” This may seem idealistic, but it reflects a very strong belief in Bonn. It also reflects very deep and serious concern among politicians of all parties abou': what could happen in German politics and public opinion if the feeling spread that other Powers were ganging up to deprive her of equal partner-

ship. It would take a lot to turn German opinion against British entry, but if anything could do it, this could. “I have supported British

entry 'into the Common Market for 10 years,” a senior politician said, “but if I thought that Britain was trying to establish some sort of condominium directed against Germany, I would stop immediately.” Public opinion might feel the same. At the moment, in spite of rumblings on the Right, the dominant desires of the German people, as recorded by opinion polls and investigations of all kinds, are for security, prosperity, a stable currency and stable prices. They have large!;- resigned themselves to the division of the country; they do not feel that their country is a major power; and they do not want to be a major power.

If they think about foreign affairs at all they yearn, not for hegemony or empire, but for acceptance as full, equal, respectable members of Western Europe and the community of Western civilised nations.

Of course, there are incorrigibles on the Right wing, but their impetus comes as much from groups under economic pressure, such as small farmers and shopkeepers, as from unrepentant nationalists.

So far as they represent a broader current in German feeling, they express the very widespread desire to emerge from the status of nation on probation and to see the West German Government defend the national interest—no less but no more—than the government of any other country. Hoover Denial

Mr J. Edgar Hoover, who is 74, denying rumours that he would resign tomorrow on the forty-fifth anniversary of his appointment as Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, said: “1 have many plans and aspirations for the future. None of them includes retirement.” Washington.