The Press SATURDAY, MAY 11, 1968. The Presidential Race

Press, Volume CVIII, Issue 31676, 11 May 1968, Page 12

The Press SATURDAY, MAY 11, 1968. The Presidential Race

Neither Vice-President Humphrey, seeking the Democratic nomination, nor Governor Rockefeller, opposing Mr Nixon for the Republican nomination, is contesting the primary elections; yet public opinion, as measured—or estimated—by the polls, suggests that they will be the White House contenders in November. Although Mr Nixon, after a string of successes by default in the primaries, is credited with solid support in the South and strong backing also in the Middle West and Rocky Mountains region, he will find it hard to shed the reputation of being, however good a fighter, a consistent loser. Mr Rockefeller’s aura of success, like his reputation as a talented administrator, has yet to be tarnished. If the Republicans were the majority party, the argument runs, Mr Nixon would be sure of the nomination. But the party, out of power for 28 of the last 36 years, needs a marked accretion of strength. Mr Nixon, in two campaigns, failed to attract the millions of independents and “doubtful” Democrats required to ensure a Republican victory, whereas Mr Rockefeller has clearly demonstrated his ability to win the support of such voters in New York. Mr Nixon has had experience only as a legislator and as Vice-President. The Presidency demands executive capacity of a high order. Mr Rockefeller, as Governor of New York State for 10 years, has shown that he can sustain the heavy burden of office, make unpopular decisions, and face criticism calmly. These are factors which, in the final judgment of the party, should ensure his candidacy.

The picture on the Democratic side might be greatly complicated by the late entry of Mr Humphrey, after Senator McCarthy and Senator Kennedy had made most of the running. All three are liberals; and their prescriptions for the nation’s future are much the same—an honourable end to the war in Vietnam, social and political betterment for the Negro people, slum clearance, and welfare generally in the cities. Mr Kennedy has sought to identify himself with all sections of the under-privileged, and has

directed his campaign particularly to the younger voters. The university campus so far has been his favourite forum. Although he has won much acclaim from student audiences, it cannot be supposed that opinion in the universities is solidly for him. Business dislikes him, and organised labour continues to rebuff him. He will also divide Roman Catholic support with Mr McCarthy. If Mr McCarthy were to withdraw from the final decision on the nomination, according to present soundings, his supporters would transfer their allegiance to Mr Humphrey rather than Mr Kennedy. In other words, Mr Kennedy would have to beat a HumphreyMcCarthy combination to become the Presidential candidate.

Mr McCarthy, despite his early successes in the primaries, lacks resources to combat the wellorganised and lavishly-endowed Kennedy organisation. Mr Humphrey seems even now to be favoured ahead of both of his rivals to win the nomination. He has vigour, personality, and intellectual ability—the attributes of a strong President Given the chance, he should prove capable of uniting the country as well as the party. The State primaries over the next few weeks should more clearly identify the candidates. But even when the party conventions are over and the candidates begin their campaigns in earnest the outcome of the election in November will be no easier to predict Seldom, if ever, have the candidates for the most powerful office in the world been more at the mercy of events beyond their control. The progress—or lack of it—towards a settle-

ment in Vietnam, the struggle to hold the price of gold, and the explosive power of Negro discontent will all powerfully affect the voting—just how, nobody can at present foresee.