The Case For Rockefeller

Press, Volume CVIII, Issue 31654, 15 April 1968, Page 9

The Case For Rockefeller

(N.Z.P. A.-Reuter—Copyright) WASHINGTON, April 14. Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York is beginning to move, slowly and cautiously, towards the Presidency, writes James Reston, of the “New York Times.” He gathered together the nucleus of a campaign staff this week and is now expressing confidence that he will win the election if only he can win nomination. This is a very large “if,” but it is interesting that the men around Senator Robert Kennedy are saying the same thing. They are confident that Senator Kennedy can defeat the former Vice-President, Mr Richard Nixon, but not Rockefeller, and many political observers are inclined to agree. Mr Rockefeller’s position is a little awkward —he is not running, but backing into the future, counting on the weaknesses of both Kennedy and Nixon. Maybe he thinks the reluctant conservative Republicans will come over to him rather than see Mr Nixon lose to Senator Kennedy. It is not, of course, too late

for Mr Rockefeller to become an important factor in the race. His failure to enter the primary elections and test his strength against Mr Nixon is a handicap, but General Eisenhower ignored the primaries in 1952, did not even come home from Europe until June of that year, and still managed to give the Republicans the only Presidential victories they have had in the last 36 years. The paradox of Mr Rockefeller is that he has a better chance of unifying the country than of unifying his party, and of winning the election than of winning the nomination.

He stands on the Left of the majority of the Republicans, but to the Right of Vice-President Humphrey and Senator Kennedy: yet not so far to the Right that he could not win powerful support from the Progressive forces of both parties and the Indepen. dents as well. The ease for Mr Rockefeller —other than the theory that he can attract enough nonRepublican votes to winrests on his New York base and his experience. He has been dealing with the savage perplexities of the cities for longer than any other candidate, with the possible Exception of Humphrey. He is much more popular

i with labour, the Negroes and. • other minority groups than Mr i Nixon. His experience in fori eign affairs—and particularly i with Latin-American affairs— I stretches back more than a . quarter of a century to the i days of the war, when he was I Assistant Secretary of State. 1 And he has demonstrated the ■ art of attracting, and keeping, I highly-talented men in the ■ public service. Mr Rockefeller is not as • strong as Mr Nixon in the ■ Middle West, the mountain - States and the South,-and he ,is poison to the Goldwater i conservatives, who have still ■ not forgiven him for running out on them in the 1964 elec-

tion. But his chances of carrying (he Big States is thought at this point to be good, and nobody has ever won the Presidency while losing both New York and California—where Mr Nixon, despite his connections with both States, is not exceptionally popular. Much will depend on whether he can command great audiences for the series of speeches he is now planning, and what themes he develops. If the present outcry in the country is a reliable guide, the people will respond to themes of reappraisal and reconciliation. The violence and brutality of the last two years seem to have produced a long-

.ing for calmer voices, more realistic goals abroad, and more compassionate policies at home. In fact, the strife overseas and in the cities of America has made party strife, on top of all this, very hard to bear. The problems before the country are serious enough now to challenge the energy and brains of both parties and of all the major power centres of the nation, and anyone who shows the capacity to mobilise an effective working majority of leaders in these fields—in effect, to lead a truly national government—could still carry the election. This is one reason for Senator McCarthy’s success so far. He is calm and he is calling for reappraisal and reconciliation. His handicap is that he is weakest in the cities where the election will be won or lost, and this is Mr Rockefeller’s greatest opportunity. He is starting very late and his organisation is weak, but he has a chance. He has stayed out of the primary battles because he could not have gone In without dividing his minority party, but there is no doubt that he is available. He will not make It on his own, no matter how well or wisely he speaks. The decision Is up to the rank and file of his party.