The Press THURSDAY, MAY 25, 1967. Rule By Decree In France

Press, Volume CVII, Issue 31378, 25 May 1967, Page 12

The Press THURSDAY, MAY 25, 1967. Rule By Decree In France

President de Gaulle has discovered that opposition to his authoritarianism is concentrating and consolidating. He has discovered that opposition is not confined to the parties of the Left, but is to be found in the Gaullist coalition itself. The combined Left, as the new Assembly is constituted, could muster a vote 30 short of the clear majority it would need to defeat the Government. Yet, on the issue of approval of the Government’s—more specifically, General de Gaulle’s—special bill on economic powers, censure was avoided by only eight votes. The extreme Left, which tabled the censure motidn, had support from the extreme Right—within the strongly Conservative wing of 42 Independent Republicans led by Mr Valery Giscard d’Estaing, a former Finance Minister who aspires to be the General’s successor. The support of this group, which holds the balance of power in the Assembly, is vital to the Government.

This first positive demonstration that he has to deal with an Assembly far less submissive than its predecessor will have given the General plenty to think about He has said that six months of government by decree will enable him to do what he wants to buttress the economy. Yet competent observers insist that there is no crisis, nor any special problems justifying emergency powers and the silencing of the Assembly. The General last used the special powers device during the Algerian crisis in 1961. Now, members of an Assembly more conscious of their rights than any in recent years have been told, rather contemptuously, as it must seem to them, that their views, their advice, and their scrutiny of measures are not needed. Specifically the powers taken, which are to run until October 31, will cover unemployment, regional development, a reexamination of the structure of the Common Market, social security, and proposals for profit-sharing by industrial workers. On every one of these subjects it might have been thought that the Government would welcome discussion, criticism, and, more importantly, approval. Not so General de Gaulle. He intends to give effect to a predetermined programme without risking interference or defeat. Now that he knows the possibility of defeat is inherent in the composition of the Assembly, will he be content to govern by decree for six months only? Might he not find it expedient to demand an extension of time? If the Right proves as intransigent as the Left, the General might make an excuse to dissolve the Assembly and go back to the country in the hope of getting a more satisfactory majority. The curiously authoritarian nature of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic enables the Government to ask for emergency powers to deal with almost any subject or situation. It may even refuse Parliamentary amendment of bills. As the current situation has shown, any issue can thus be manipulated into a vote of confidence. On the profit-sharing issue, General de Gaulle knew that he would be opposed so bitterly that defeat might result. He decided to test the solidarity of the Right in a bid to evade ordinary parliamentary procedures, and only narrowly succeeded. In his vision of a Gaullist “Great Society” he would concede the right of the workers to share in industrial profits. A specific proposal, contained in the so-called Vallon amendment, would involve allocating a proportion of the capital value of an enterprise to its employees, as shares on which they would receive dividends. Economists disliked the plan because, for one thing, it would impede the movement of labour. Trade unionists condemned it outright. They were not prepared to be “ bought off ”, and said that they preferred wage increases. At the other political extreme, Mr Giscard d’Estaing saw his own hopes for a revival of the capital market put in jeopardy. Commercial and industrial interests lending their support to his Right-wing Independents were quick to realise that, for at least six months, they would have no say at all in a process of economic change which could profoundly affect them. In effect, General de Gaulle has served notice on French society as a whole that he knows what is best for it, and intends to retain, regardless of the means employed, the power to translate his ideas into law.