AMERICAN POLICY IN VIETNAM

Press, Volume CIV, Issue 30802, 14 July 1965, Page 1

AMERICAN POLICY IN VIETNAM

Warning That Conflict May Spread

(From Our Parliamentary Reporter)

WELLINGTON, July 13.

A warning that the United States would probably adopt “an increasingly vigorous approach” in Vietnam was given by the Prime Minister, Mr Holyoake, in Parliament tonight.

Opening a special foreign affairs debate, he said the American view was that unless Peking could be moved toward accepting the principle of peaceful co-existence, events would inevitably lead to a larger war.

“Appeasement now will not avert a larger war later on,” said Mr Holyoake.

“The Government of Communist China is playing for important stakes—Communist world revolution. They make no secret of it and this involves both Africa and Latin America, not merely South-east Asia.

“The American view is that the Vietnam conflict is not just a question of 14 million Vietnamese, although this is terribly important.

“It is the general reaction all over Southeast Asia and the rest of the world that reallv matters.”

Mr Hol.voake said that at the A.N.Z.U.S. Council meeting be attended in Washington. the American Secretary of State (Mr Rusk), showed how American resistance in post-war years had ltd Russia to prudence and a policy of peaceful co-existence. “I also had discussions with President Johnson and others and found the United States’ view to be that any failure on America’s part to do in Southeast Asia what she had done since 1945 in Europe would have a profound effect. “1 was left v'ith the impression of American determination to prevent Communists from overwhelming Vietnam, and that Vietnam will continue to be the dominant feature of American policy thinking for the forseeable future,” Mr Holyoake said. “We must expect an Increasingly vigorous American approach in their attempt to get the Communists to negotiate.” Disaster In Defeat Mr Holyoake said Vietnam had become a world-wide problem in its implications and ramifications. “Any American retreat or defeat would be disastrous for South-east Asia, and for us, and for a very much wider part of the world. “But our objective remains the same—to bring about a negotiated settlement.” The Commonwealth peace mission on Vietnam, he said was criticised from the start for risking the prestige of the Commonwealth. “I said there was no use in having prestige if we were not prepared to risk it in a worth-while cause, and that, in any case, if the Communist countries refused our overtures, it would be clear where the responsibility lay for continued fighting.” Dealing with the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' conference, Mr Holyoake said there was a “sharp tussle” over the phrase in the communique expressing “sympathy and support” for Malaysia.

Disturbing Reaction

“Sympathy, yes, but support was less than half-hearted. This reluctance to support the right of another small Commonwealth country to defend itself against aggression was most disappointing and disturbing." “it was not an easy conference, but it could have been more awkward, especially on Rhodesia. The winds of change are blowing from Africa more now in the direction of London than Cape Town.” Mr Holyoake said. “Freedom, justice and

democracy do not have the same meaning for all Commonwealth members. “The Commonwealth is now a little United Nations with all the problems of the modern world—rich and poor, developed and under-de-veloped, one-party rule and democracy and, above all, problems of racial differences. “The Africans are determined to achieve immediate independence for coloured people throughout the world, irrespective of stage of development, economic viability or size. Britain wants this also, but she has a responsibility to ensure successful transition. “The Commonwealth can be kept going, but its form is changing rapidly and its outlook on some problems is in the process of considerable modification.” Rhodesia Decision Mr Holyoake said he felt the decision made on Rhodesia might be the most momentous and far-reaching matter to emerge from the conference. “The British Prime Minister was under tremendous pressure from many African representatives, but the final wording of the communique gives some room for manoeuvre,” he said.

Mr Holyoake said, however, that he had some reservations about the communique —“I did not think certain nassages were realistic. For example, the limit for holding a conference and the proposal to dismiss the present government and appoint an interim government. “My stand was that New Zealand supports the principle of majority rule, but that, dearly, there should be a reasonable transitional period.” China And U.N. Sir Walter Nash (Opp.. Hutt) said force by the United States in Vietnam would not solve the problem there. He said no government of the people in South Vietnam was at the will of the people, and there was no chance, on the present evidence, of South . Vietnam governing itself properly. The United States’ general attitude to Communism and China could be the cause of their attitude to Vietnam, he said. “If China was tn the United Nations, perhaps the situation would not be what it is like now.” Sir Walter Nash said New Zealand was helping the United States because of future danger to this country. “But have we the right to take the fight to South-east Asian areas because we may be endangered at a later date?

“The United States says it will talk with all interested parties on the question of Vietnam, but I have never heard it say it will talk to the Viet Cong. “Yet the Viet Cong are Vietnamese, and are being helped by the people of South Vietnam.” Aid Inadequate Sir Walter Nash said New Zealand was failing to give the help it should give to Asian countries. There was nothing in the world to equal America’s “social aid” to under-develoo-ed countries, and the United States deserved credit for what it was doing, but the bombing of North Vietnam was a terrible thing “Power corrupts,' but absolute power corrupts absolutely,” Sir Walter Nash said “We ought to do what we can to induce the United States to stop the bombing,” he said.

The Minister of Defence (Mr Eyre) said the next few weeks in Vietnam were obviously going to be difficult. The weather would favour the Viet Cong. As the weather improved, the tide should change in favour of the South Vietnam forces. The monsoon might be what made North Vietnam so reluctant to negotiate First Essential China seemed prepared to see many Vietnamese lives lost as necessary to prove its ideas were more valuable than the Russians idea of peaceful co-existence, said Mr Eyre “I wish some sections of the New Zealand public would be more realistic," he said. It took two to negotiate. One side was willing, the other not. He said he believed there would be no moral justification for any agreement that did not provide for the rights of the South Vietnamese to settle their own future.

Mr A. J. Faulkner (Opp.. Roskill) said that the Opposition supported the plea of the Prime Ministers in London for all parties to show the utmost restraint in military operations as a step toward a cease-fire.

“Obviously the Americans must remain there to maintain order. We have never said anything different. I believe they must stay until the situation is clarified.” he said.

He believed that with patience and persistence elections could be held under international supervision. “If the elections were free, we would definitely support unification. The Opposition will not support any action that will endanger our troops already in the battle zone It is a dirty, grubby little war."

Sir Leslie Munro (Govt. Waipa): All wars are.

“Must Play Ball”

“We are not entirely our own masters in military matters, and we must give consideration to the vital interests of the United Kingdom and the United States.” said Mr Faulkner.

“We must play ball with them. I support collective security because we are insignificant in Asia. “The Communists’ greatest allies in Asia are hunger, dis ease, ignorance, squalor. Western apathy and greed and racism.

“We have swept Communism from New Zealand by ending poverty.”

Sir Leslie Munro said the problem of Rhodesia appeared to be intractable. “The British Prime Minis ter emphasised the dangers of the use of force or unconstitutional methods by any party,” he said. “I am hopeful I am right in assuming that the United Kingdom Government does not contemplate the use of force against 'the Rhodesian Government if the suggested constitutional conference should fail.” Russian Attitude He said he had always been of the opinion that Russia did not wish to be drawn into war over Vietnam, and would not give any encouragement to the Chinese to intervene to a greater extent than they were now doing. “The key question ts whether Russia can restrain China. “I am convinced Moscow has had some restraining influence in the past and will possibly have at least some in the future.”