Moroccan Playboy Now A Responsible Monarch

Press, Volume CII, Issue 30289, 15 November 1963, Page 11

Moroccan Playboy Now A Responsible Monarch

IB V

SIMON KAVANAUGH]

If a Shakespeare wanted to write a modern version of King Henry V, Morocco provides a setting with 34-year-old King Hassan II as the hero. As a prince, Hassan was an eastern Prince Hal a seeker and finder of pleasure with no expense spared. Like Henry V he has become a king strong in home affairs and prepared to do battle with his neighbour.

His border dispute with Algeria is a legacy of colonial days when both Morocco and Algeria were part of the French Empire. As France ruled the whole area they did not bother about fixing boundaries and the 600-mile north-south border between the two countries was ill-defined. Had it just been a matter of who owned a few million grains of sand no-one would have bothered much; but beneath that sand has been discovered some of the world’s richest mineral deposits. Even at that, it is more than just a matter of economics. The flames of strife that burn in the North African desert are fanned by political and personal bitterness. Royalist Morocco is not a member of the United Arab Republic and is not as extreme in political outlook as Egypt’s President Nasser or Algeria’s Ben Bella, who describes Morocco as a feudal monarchy. Hassan is a constitutional monarch with a government elected on a universal franchise and a constitution approved of by 95 per cent of the voters but he retains almost autocratic power. He presides at cabinet meetings and appoints and dismisses Ministers. He has also maintained close relations with the West, specially with France which he visited in June to be accorded extensive and personal attention by President de Gaulle. Hassan is no Western stooge: he hastened the evacuation of French troops; he protested strongly about French atomic tests in the Sahara; he has been pleased to accept military and technical aid from Moscow; durAlgeria’s war with France, Meknes in Morocco became Algeria’s arsenal of Russian arms. King Hassan knows what he wants for his country, does not mind where he gets it, and firmly believes that he is the best man to sit in the driver’s seat and that his are the hands that should be on the controls. The result of his neutrality has been the attraction of foreign investment capital and the building up of a royalist-cum-socialist state. A form of partnership in certain industries has been achieved through a public corporation having shares in an oil refinery group and in motor industries. Electrical power and the railways have been completely nationalised. Casablanca previously known only for the Casbah, has been ringed with factories. “Come with me to the industrial development area” may not sound so romantic, but it spells a message of hope for the Moroccan peasant. .. crash programme of school building sent attendance figures rocketing. In 1955 only 220,000 children were at school; by 1962 the million mark had been passed and now all children are guaranteed a school place by the time they are seven. Many reforms were in train before Hassan acceded to the throne. Even if he had done no more than continue the work of his father. Hassan

would rate as one of the most unexpected successes in Arab or in world politics. His father, King Mohammed, was revered as the founder of independent Morocco. His son, Hassan, was seen as a playboy prince whose interests were fast sports cars, tennis and a French girl, Etchika Choureau. The friendship caused much worry. As a Christian, the girl would not have been acceptable to many in a strict Moslem country specially as, at 37, she was felt to be too old for child-bearing. So unsuitable was Hassan regarded as a future king

that there were suggestions of putting someone else on the throne or even establishing a republic on Mohammed’s death. Hassan’s accession was given a smooth passage by the unexpectedness of his father’s death, which occurred during a minor operation. In that very moment, Hassan gained maturity. He locked the doctors in the room with his father’s body, rang up his father’s closest adviser and ordered him to the palace and did the same with other Ministers and then with Opposition leaders. Each was told the news on arrival and each, still stunned, signed the instrument of accession. Then Hassan released the doctors. He never saw Etchika Choureau again. He did do much to emancipate Moroccan women. As soon as he became king he let drop a broad hint to the 21 beauties who comprised the harem of his late father that it would be better for all concerned if they went out and looked for jobs or husbands. Under a new constitution, women were given the same political rights as men. Under Moslem law, Hassan was entitled to four wives—but, following his French upbringing, he settled for one. In Moroccan tradition the marriage was not officially announced until the birth of their daughter in August 1962. This August a son was born Hassan maintains one link with his playboy past in a liking for lavish spending. On

a visit to New York this year he did some shopping. He started by ordering five Cadillacs and a dozen of another model. By the time he left the showroom crew-cut salesmen were gasping over an order for more than 100 cars. He moved on to linen, where his order was 60 towels, and a thousand sheets. With the royal crockery cupboard looking a bit bare the king ordered 150 chafing dishes, dinner services, glasses. It was through Hassan’s intervention that after five years former Queen Dina of Jordan was able to see again the daughter who was born as the result of her marriage to King Hussein of Jordan. Dina had not been allowed to see the child since she and Hussein parted in 1958, Then Hassan sent word to Hussein asking him for a gesture of goodwill towards “an abandoned mother crying for her child.” The reunion came about in February of this year. The beginning of this year also saw Hassan in the role of international mediator. With Algeria and Tunisia engaged in a dispute he sent a goodwill mission to Algiers and Tunis.

It was not long before goodwill missions were needed to settle the dispute between Algeria and his own Morocco. On the home front things have not been completely quiet. In the elections iin May this year, won by the proKing Hassan F.D.I.C. Party, the right-wing Istiqlal Party accused the government of acts of repression including four assassinations. In August this year members of the left-wing National Union of Popular Forces Party were accused of trying to kill the king and 130 were arrested. More than 100 were formally charged. Most were released and the trial of those accused will begin on November 25. Such is the ferment of Arab politics that for the moment at least Morocco probably needs a strong man at the helm. However, many feel that the time will surely come when it will be better for the wheel to pass into other than royalist hands. Will the King recognise it?