Mr Pompidou Takes Over

Press, Volume CI, Issue 29801, 18 April 1962, Page 14

Mr Pompidou Takes Over

The resignation of Mr Debre as Prime Minister of France was not unexpected after the recent referendum; neither was the choice of Mr Pompidou to succeed him. Together, the referendum and Mr Debre’s departure marked the end of an era, the first of its kind for the Fifth Republic. Mr Debre achieved prominence as Minister of Justice in the Government formed by General de Gaulle to create a new France from the ashes of the Fourth Republic. He became the principal architect of the present constitution, in which was expressed the Gaullist ideal of strong, stable government. To this task Mr Debre brought a welldisciplined, legalistic intellect, a preference for authoritarian institutions, and a dislike of democratic untidiness. When the constitution became effective, he was the logical nominee for Prime Minister. His Government's unusual longevity —by French standards—testified to the solidity of his constitutional architecture, though not to regard for democratic niceties. Yet Mr Debre was throughout much more than the tool of a President invested with dictatorial authority. By instinct as well as necessity he was impelled to regulate his general .conduct according to the Gaullist line. He has often been accused of fascist leanings; certainly his devotion to policies of the Right has always appeared far more rigid than General de Gaulle's. It is appropriate enough that the Debre Government should relinquish office upon the endorsement of an Algerian peace. The retiring Administration was brought into existence to help in ending the war that destroyed the Fourth Republic; to its successor falls the responsibility of perfecting the peace, not only in Algeria, but in France itself. Because of the extraordinary powers taken by President de Gaulle and

confirmed by the latest referendum, the Cabinet system in France lacks the stature of governments in other Western countries. To describe the French Administration as a moderate dictatorship behind a democratic facade might not be unduly cynical. Beyond the transfer of leadership the structure has not been profoundly shaken through Mr Debre’s disagreement with the President on the timing of elections. Important Ministers including Mr Joxe, Minister for Algerian Affairs—will continue their accustomed duties. Because he has been joined by Mr Pflimlin, leader of the MJt.P., Mr Pompidou—an unknown quantity in national politics, though not in the President’s Algerian negotiations—will have a Cabinet somewhat more broadly based than Mr Debre’s. President de Gaulle’s prejudice against orthodox, well-known politicians is indicated as much now by his choice of Mr Pompidou as by his reliance for the last three years upon Mr Debre. To the new Prime Minister will fall the heavy burden of seconding an aged President in measures whereby the French nation, relieved of a debilitating colonial war, may regain a unity from which could spring afresh institutions better representative of normal political thought From continued acrimony of the sort fomented by the O.A.S. only the Communists stand to benefit. At present General de Gaulle preserves the balance between Right and Left. Although he recognises that in the postAlgerian era France will need new men for new tasks, until recently he has appeared unwilling to contemplate his own replacement at the Presidential Palace. If, however, Mr Debre is to be his heir, as Paris journalists suggest, the French Parliament may never regain its former influence over the nation’s destiny.