The Press SATURDAY, JULY 30, 1960. “Liberal” Republicanism

Press, Volume XCIX, Issue 29270, 30 July 1960, Page 12

The Press SATURDAY, JULY 30, 1960. “Liberal” Republicanism

What are described as “ complete “ and unexpected surprises ” about platform and policies at the Republican Party’s Convention at*Chicago can have been surprises only because they brought into the arena of practical politics questions about the party’s, future that have been more freely discussed outside the party than within it. The Republican Party has provided the Administration (the President and his Cabinet) since 1952. In that time there have been four Congressional > elections, and in three of them American voters have denied the President a Congress of his own political party, and thus denied him full power to shape national policy. The decline of the party’s influence is seen in figures for the mid-term Congressional elections where parties are tested apart from the Presidency. The Republicans had 49 per cent, of votes in 1950, 47 per cent, in 1954, 43 per cent, in 1958. Republican fortunes have been no better in political fields closer to the community and home. Republicans have only 14 of the 48 governors and control only seven of 48 State legislatures elected in 1958. From coast to coast the Republicans have seen areas traditionally belonging to them switch to the other party. The Republicans once hoped that with President. Eisenhower’s coming their party would rebuild its strength as the Democratic Party’s was rebuilt under President Roosevelt. But the Republicans’ hold is weaker now than it was eight years ago. Is it surprising that many Republicans have been examining anxiously the party’s prospects? It is recognised that * the personal popularity of Mr Nixon and his experience of affairs, added to the Republican adroitness with mass communi-

cations and perhaps some residue of the Eisenhower mana, could well result in Mr Nixon’s election as President. But thoughtful men in the party want to see Mr Nixon elected in a way that would let him govern effectively. In any case he must face a Senate that will be Democratic; there are insufficient seats at stake in this election to change political control of the upper house of Congress. But as all the members of the House of Representatives come up for re-election, Mr Nixon has the opportunity of gaining a majority in the lower house —provided there is strong popular support, not only for Mr Nixon but for his party. And this is clearly desirable in the interests of firm and consistent government. The party’s strategists thus have the best of reasons for trying to broaden the party’s appeal to the''electorate. The means of doing so were a principal subject of discussion and controversy at the Chicago Convention.

The Republican Party clearly has to change its policies if it is to change its fortunes. The choice before it was to return to the conservative philosophy which has come to be known as “Taftism”, or to embrace the more liberal outwardlooking ideas of the new young men such as Governor Rockefeller. It is not surprising that the party has chosen the second alternative, with- its liberal civil rights programme and the renunciation of isolationism. Whether the platform will appeal sufficiently to the electorate to permit Mr Nixon to win the Presidency and to lead the party out of the political wilderness may be doubted. There has been more than a hint that the liberals of the party are looking to Governor Rockefeller to be their “man “of destiny” four years hence.