QUESTIONS FROM CHOU ON N.Z. RECOGNITION

Press, Volume XCIII, Issue 27989, 8 June 1956, Page 10

QUESTIONS FROM CHOU ON N.Z. RECOGNITION

RETURN TO CHINA—IV

[Specially written for “The Press” by JAMES BERTRAM]

At the May Day reception at the Peking Hotel, Ho Lung had given us more of his time than we had any right to expect; and I still assumed that this was a special gesture of friendliness towards an old associate. But a few minutes later, a considerable official party bore down upon us. This was Chou En-lai himself, making the rounds of the hall. He was visiting every single foreign group represented among the guests, and this was our turn. He arrived with something or tne graceful gliding motion of a hero in Peking opera—Chou, as a student, was a notable actor and female impersonator, and he has still the trained movement and inflexion of an accomplished stage performer. He halted, and our party was introduced. He welcomed us. and suddenly threw out the question: “When will New Zealand recognise the Peking Government?” Finding myself a sort of spokesman, I had to think fast. “Britain already recognises Peking.” I said. “And I personally think Canada will be the first British Dominion to follow Britain's example. But not until after the United States election this yean Chou nodded. “And your country? “With us, it is not simple. The present Government opposes recognition. But I spoke with Mr Walter Nash, the Leader of the Upn- siu<»n. not long before I left New Zealand; and I know his views are very different in this matter from the views of Mr Holland. I think it is possible that there may a Labour Government in New Zealand after the next election, and that support for Peking representation in the United Nations, and for direct recognition of the People’s Government, may follow.

“China Can Wait” Chou absorbed this without a moment’s delay; I felt he had understood my English pretty completely. “That is a matter of the internal politics of another country, and in such a matter we do not interfere. This was standard diplomatic language: but what followed was more striking, and perhaps a good deal more relevant. . “After all,” said the Chinese Premier, with a delicate little shrug of irony. “China exists. And if there should be some difficulties about recognition, that is not important. China can wait.” He gave us a toast to better understanding, bowed, and camera bulbs flashed before the official party moved on. “China exists. China, can wait. I do not know of any two short phrases that could better suggest the whole attitude and policy of Mao Tse-tung’s Government towards the Western world. A General Talks Peace After this, all should have been anti-climax. But it was not. Another short, powerful figure—this time unaccompanied, but the straight military shoulders in the dark-blue tunic were unmistakable—cut through the crowd in our direction. I would have known the bullet head, bristling eyebrows, and strong expressive features in any place at any time. This was Com-mander-in-Chief Peng Teh-huai, Chu Teh’s successor in the Communist-led armies, Chinese G.O.C. in Korea, and now Minister of War. (“That.” Peggy Garland whispered to me. “is the head I should like to model!”) I had once travelled up from Hankow with Peng Teh-huai when he was returning from a military conference with Chiang Kai-shek, and I still remembered his lurid language about the Generalissimo’s refusal to allow any of the Russian military supplies then pouring into China to go to the Eighth Route Army. He spoke a very different language now, after the usual politenesses, and the inevitable reminders of earlier meetings. “When war is over.” he said, “let us think of peace, and work for peace.” I told him how I had gone back to Japan after the war. and tried to seek out old Japanese friends. He waved towards the Japanese trade union and peace delegates across the hall. “It is better to be friends than to be enemies. Let us drink to world peace.” Insincere? I should not like to be the man to accuse Peng Teh-huai of insincerity to his face. Here was an army commander who still looked like an army man, and who had proved in Korea that his generalship was a

match for most comers. He was no diplomat, as Chou En-lai was by training, and as Ho Lung had become through years of civil administration. He still spoke with the explosive bark (yet another Hunanese!) I remembered from Chu Teh’s headquarters. But his language was peace, and I am sure he meant every word of it. For where every country in the world needs peace. China, with her immense tasks of reconstruction, needs peace even more desperately than the rest. Formosa, the Contradiction Next morning, at 10 o’clock from the Tien An Men that overlooks the great square where the May Day procession was to pass m review, the Mayor of Peking. Peng Chen, repeated the sentence that recurs so regularly at all major Chinese functions: “We are still determined to liberate Taiwan!” (Formosa). The contradiction between the utterances of these two Peng's is glaring enough; and I do not pretend to be able to resolve it. Only Mao Tse-tung, perhaps. could do that, and he was unlikely to do it for any foreign visitor. To a Chinese, of course, the announcement is as natural and understandable as New Zealand’s claim to Stewart Island. The means to be employed is another matter, and one could hardly expect Peking to show its hand to strangers, however welldisposed. For my own part, I would like to think that in these two brief discussions with two of China’s most responsible leaders —Chou En-lai and Peng Teh-huai—wc had in fact gained two valuable clues to Chinese longterm attitudes in a complex and rapidly-changing international situation: “China wants peace.” “China can wait.”