EXILES FROM FORMOSA

Press, Volume XCI, Issue 27679, 8 June 1955, Page 10

EXILES FROM FORMOSA

“Rebel” Political Party HEADQUARTERS IN TOKYO (From a Reuter Correspondent) TOKYO. Formosa’s 7,8000,000 native inhabitants bitterly resent Marshal Chiang Kai-Shek's Chinese Nationalist regime and would rise in revolt against him for independence—if they had the arms. This is asserted by a 50-year-old American-educated Formosan chemical engineer, Mr Thomas W. I. Liao, who has established a “rebel” political party in exile, dedicated to achieve a “free and independent Formosa.” His movement, with its headquarters here in Tokyo, is supported by a growing number of Japanese, who believe, with him, that Marshal Chiang KaiShek commands little respect or loyalty from the majority of Formosans. Mr Liao is accused by the Nationalists of playing a leading role in an abortive Formosan revolt against Marshal Chiang Kai-Shek in February. 1947. Marshal Chiang’s troops put down the revolt in a few days and massacred an estimated 20,000 Formosans. Mr Liao, who was then one of Formosa’s eight representatives in the Chinese People’s Political Council (Nationalist Parliament) in Nanking, fled, first to Shanghai, and then to Hong Kong. He later came to Tokyo. With about 200 other Formosans who fled to Hong Kong at the same time, he formed his “rebel” party, the Formosan Democratic Independence Party, in 1948. These 200 members form the 'hard core of his party. It also claims membership of about 2000 Formosans resident in Tokyo. By 1953 it claimed it had also enroled abdut 30,000 “underground” members inside Formosa itself.

Mr Liao claims that in spite of its relatively small membership, his party, and its aims—a Formosa free from both the Communists and the National-ists—-command the support of the overwhelming mjriority of Formosa’s native inhabitants. He says his chief problem is liaison with Formosa from his Tokyo headquarters. He says the Nationalists have a secret police force of more than 60,000 and that his secret couriers run a constant risk of capture. He says the operations of this secret police force.' contrplled by Marshal Chiang Kai-Shek’s son, Chian Ching Kuo, nas given birth to a popular saying among Formosans: “Don’t look, don’t listen, don’t talk.” Aim of Independence Mr Liao says his party’s primary aim is independence for Formosa, as a new self-governing country. But he says that as long as the Chinese Communists maintain their claims to his country, Formosa’s independence must be guaranteed by the United Nations. He therefore envisages a period of United Nations trusteeship for Formosa while the new nation establishes itself. His party works mainly to establish contact with what Mr Liao describes as “friendly” countries, and among these he lists Britain and India. His party’s first official act was to send a 60-page petition to the United Nations in September, 1948. appealing for a plebiscite in Formosa to decide the island’s political future. The petition said that more than 99 per cent, of Formosa’s native inhabitants would vote for independence from the Nationalists. Since then his party has sent regular reports and memoranda to the United Nations, and to the heads of governments of nations around the world, including Sir Winston Churchill and Mr Nehru, Prime Minister of India. , The burden of all these communications is the same: “Give Formosa independence.” Mr Liao says he believes: “Paradoxically, as long as Chiang Kai-Shek, who has the reputa-j tion in the United States of being one of the staunchest opponents of communism. remains in Formosa; Formosa will be a fertile field for communism.” “Lack of Freedom Resented” Mr Liao argues that Formosans bitterly resent their lack of freedom, the operations of the secret police, and the heavy burden of taxes levied to support Chiang’s armies. These grievances, he says, are ideal material for Communist propaganda broadcasts being relayed from the mainland for Formosan consumption. He says a further danger is that Formosans closely identify Marshal Chiang KaiShek with the United States. Their hostility against the Nationalists is often translated into hostility against the Americans. Mr Liao says he is himself strongly, anti-Communist and staunchly pro-

American. He says his own history gave him a special affection for the United States. He was born in Formosa in 1905 and lived there till he was 13, when he went for schooling in Japan. He later went to the United States, where he studied chemistry at Michigan University, and took a Ph.D degree in chemical engineering at Columbia University in Columbus, Ohio. From 1936 to 1938 he worked in Wheeling, West Virginia. He married an American girl and intended to settle in the United States. But in 1938. his father died and he returned to Formosa as head of the family. He continued living and working as a chemical engineer in Formosa through the war. Until 1945, he had r-- taken any interest in politics. L'uL at the end of the war, Formosa cast off 40 years of Japanese rule as part of the Japanese Empire. Friends persuaded Mr Liao to stand for election to the Nationalist Parliament in Nanking. He was elected and became one of Formosa’s eight representatives in the Nanking Parliament. 1947 Rebellion He continued his duties in Nanking until the Formosan rebellion against Nationalist authority on February 28, 1947. Mr Liao says the experience of this incident has made it clear his party will never seek independence by force of arms. He says the incident broke out when Nationalist police tried to arrest a woman selling blackmarket cigarettes in a Taipeh market. Formosan bystanders intervened and a fight broke out. Nationalist troops were called out, opened fire and many were killed.

This incideht, Mr Liao says, acted as a spark on Formosan resentment against the Nationalists and a mass rebellion broke out. Nationalist troops were diverted from the mainland and the revolt was quickly crushed, and this was followed by heavy retaliations against the Formosan population. Mr Liao says he is determined to avoid any action that would provoke similar retaliation again. He is confident that he can gain his objective of Formosan independence merely by waiting. Chiang and his army are ageing. Time is on the side of the Formosans—provided the Communists do not get there first. That is a great fear of Mr Liao’s Independence Party. He says the United Nations must act fast. Under the Nationalists the Formosans can hope for eventual independence, he says. If the Communists come, all hopes of independence will be dead for ever.