The Press MONDAY, APRIL 18, 1955. Africa-Asia Conference

Press, Volume XCI, Issue 27636, 18 April 1955, Page 10

The Press MONDAY, APRIL 18, 1955. Africa-Asia Conference

The African-Asian conference to open today at Bandung, a hill city in Java, will bring together for political and economic discussions delegations from countries inhabited by more than half the world's population. This conference, unique because its emphasis is on the coloured nations of the world, has been arranged through curious and interesting processes. At a meeting of the Colombo Powers (India, Pakistan, Ceylon, Indonesia, and Burma) in April, 1954, the Prime I Minister of Indonesia (Mr Sastroamijojo) suggested that the Colombo I Powers should summon a larger conference, which would include i African countries. It Was assumed I that the Indonesians’ interest in such a conference lay partly in reasons lof international prestige and partly internal political purposes. What the conference should discuss had tc be considered after it was decided to hold it; and who was to be invited called for second and third thoughts. After Mr Sastroamijojo had visited India, Pakistan and Burma later in 1954, it was announced that three African countries, Egypt, Ethiopia and Liberia, and some Middle East countries, but not Israel, would be invited to meet the Colombo Powers. The meagre African representation was explained by Mr Sastroamijojo’s comment that he was troubled about how to find representatives of the “suppressed peoples of Africa”. When the Colombo Powers met at Bogor last December to consider again the question of invitations, Mr Sastroamijojo was helped over the difficulty of African representation —notably by Mr Nehru, who could not share Mr Sastroamijojo’s innocence ebcut Africa. African representation was strengthened by extending invitations to the Gold Coast, the Central African Federation, and the Sudan. The conference having originated in a context of “ anti-colonialism ”, it was not surprising that South Africa was not invited. Asian representation on the invitation list was extended at Bogor to include Communist China (but not Nationalist China) and Japan, but neither North nor South Korea. Just as South Africa was omitted from the nations representing Africa, so Australia and New Zealand were omitted from the nations of the Pacific area. The invitations have been further extended since the Bogor meeting by adding Laos, Cambodia, and North and South Vietnam. Of the 29

countries invited, only the Centra] African Federation is reported to have decided not to attend.

Thus, Mr Sastroamijojo’s trial balloon has grown into a 'huge affair, but one so strangely constructed that it is doubtful if it can stand up to the stresses that the conference will apply. Anti-colonialism is almost the only issue likely to arise in which the participants have a common interest; and even on this subject there may be differences if such nations as Pakistan and Turkey refuse to accept a resolution opposing colonialism unless Communist expansionism is also condemned. In economic affairs, the Communist countries on the one hand, and those joined to the trading and fiscal systems of the Western world on the other, are certain to have different viewpoints. Certain of the participants have “ bad neighbour ” relations between themselves to surmount—notably India and Pakistan, Burma and Siam, and Iraq and Egypt. Mr Nehru’s idea that the conference should be “neutralist” in character has gone by the board, sinc6 there are participants joined to the Communist bloc, to the South-east Asia Treaty Organisation, to the new Middle East “ northern tier ” (Pakistan and Turkey), and one nation (Turkey) to the North Atlantic Treaty'Organisation. There is little wonder that even Mr Nehru, who gave his protege, Mr Sastroamijojo, support in developing his project, recently referred in the Indian Parliament to the nations invited to Bandung as “this curious assort“ment of countries”. It seems most unlikely, therefore, that the conference will build up into any formidable “third force” in world affairs. The conference may take on an anti-Western flavour, and particularly an anti-American flavour, if the two “ giants ” at thq conference—Communist China and

India—join forces in condemning nuclear bomb tests. But it would be wrong to pass judgment on the conference in advance. Many of the nations represented have leaders of great repute and experience in international affairs; they, it must be hoped, will speak wisely to delegations who are less experienced and urge upon them moderation and understanding. If it can develop a positive outlook rather than merely negative Opposition to everything Western, the Bandung conference may become a force for good. Unfortunately, preliminary conference publicity from Communist China has rather dashed hopes that the conference will have the advantage of bringing repre-

sentatives of Communist China into closer contact with the outside world, of which the present leaders in Peking are appallingly, and dangerously, ignorant. A Chinese intention to make the conference a forum for Communist and antiAmerican propaganda appears in the statement in a Peking publication that “the holding of the Asian and “ African conference reflects the “ strong opposition of the Asian and

“ African peoples to the policy “ followed by the United States “ aggressive bloc in these two “ continents If he reads that, Mr Sastroamijojo will have reason to reflect thto, u it ha* grown, his

balloon has taken an unforeseen shape. But even if the delegates from Peking should insist upon trying to distort the conference to purposes of Communist propaganda, there may still be something important that the other delegates can salvage. Even Mr Nehru is now said to be losing his illusions that the present rulers in Peking have peaceful, co-operative intentions. A truculent Chinese delegation at Bandung might arouse the same doubts in the minds of a wide and important audience.