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The Press FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1954. DEMOCRATS WIN CONGRESS

On the preliminary count the midterm electron for the United States Congress and the elections for state

governorships have resulted in a more decisive victory for the Democratic Party than most of the political observers were willing to predict The heavy Democratic gains, even though offset by Republican successes, have shattered some illusions , which were fondly nourished in the United States and beyond. The belief, for instance, that the American people have had enough of Democratic adminigtration in the last generation will have to be revised. The Republicans have made what they could out of the promising political material uncovered by their investigations of corruption and inefficiency in government; but the electorate as a whole seems to have been as little impressed by this kind of appeal as by the more reprehensible attempt to discredit the Democrats as the party responsible for “20 “years of treason”.

The Republicans undoubtedly had an uphill fight in this election. Electoral records show that the Administration loses an average of 45 seats in the House of Representatives and four in the Senate in midterm elections—and the Republicans

had only the most slender margin in each chamber. The Republicans’ conduct in the last -Congress, however, could scarcely have been more damaging to the mid-term prospects of a party which admittedly rode to power, narrowly, on the popularity of its presidential candidate. Republicans Divided

The Republicans were not a happy family. Party splits are common enough in American politics; but few have been so spectacular as those in the Republican Party in the last two years. They have been emphasised, during the election campaign, by the almost indecent eagerness of those who most obstructed President Eisenhower’s

policy to get the help of his popularity in holding back the rising Democratic tide. “ Don’t let Ike and “Mamie down” would be a poor substitute for effective political slogans in any circumstances. It

sounded particularly hollow on the lips of such men as Senator Bricker, who have been only too ready to “let Ike down”, in the last two years. Incidentally, no-one seems to have explained why Mrs Eisenhower should have been dragged into the campaign. What is more, the tactics of bringing the President actively into the campaign in its closing stages may have been sadly miscalculated. Part of Mr, Eisenhower’s great appeal to electors has been his comparative aloofness from the moil of party politics. The extent to which that popularity will survive resentment of his being “ drafted ” to bolster weak Republican candidates remains to be seen. In spite of the almost eloquent silence of Senator McCarthy, Republicans have put some faith in the

belief that Americans are still badly frightened of communists. They might have done better to argue mpre closely the three real national issues of the campaign—unemployment, farm prices, and a wider field for private enterprise in public utilities. They could have presented a good case for their party’s record. Unemployment is confined to a few States. It is possibly the temporary result of sound economic measures to check inflation; and the' Administration can fairly claim credit for its very sound handling of the economic recession of which this is a small but persistent legacy. The new farm policy would have caused less indignation among farmers if it had been shown to represent the return of greater freedom to farmers. A country as devoted to private enterprise as the United States would surely have listened sympathetically to a reasoned Republican argument that reduced government activity in the public utility field was not the “ give-away ” the Democrats represented it to be. The Republicans, in “running scared”, hardly did justice to their own virtues; their .obvious vices were , fully exploited by the Democrat campaigners. ' (Divided Government

An American Government does not change with the change of party control in Congress; but obviously an Administration with

a hostile Congress has no very strong chance of having its legislative programme put into effect. In normal circumstances that would

be a sobering thought for America’s friends and allies. Now the prospect of a divided Government can be viewed with a certain amount of equanimity. A Democratic Congress could not be much more obstructive of President Eisenhower’s policies than the Republican Congress of the last two years. Just as the foreign aid programme was earned through by Democrat votes over Republican opposition, so a programme for lower tariffs and liberalised trade would now have a better chance of acceptance in a Democratic than in a Republican Congress. To Americans, of course, the present election is most interesting as a pointer to the presidential election two years ahead. Although there is no evidence of any marked diminution of President Eisenhower’s popularity, it has generally' been believed that he would be unwilling to seek a second term if he had no assurance of pulling his party into power with him. If that, surmise should prove correct the may havej

I won more than a tactical advantage : at this election; they may have : removed the only really formidable : obstacle to their return to power! |in 1956. 4

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19541105.2.84

Bibliographic details

Press, Volume XC, Issue 27499, 5 November 1954, Page 12

Word Count
853

The Press FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1954. DEMOCRATS WIN CONGRESS Press, Volume XC, Issue 27499, 5 November 1954, Page 12

The Press FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 5, 1954. DEMOCRATS WIN CONGRESS Press, Volume XC, Issue 27499, 5 November 1954, Page 12