MEDITERRANEAN STROKE HOLDS COMMAND OF SEAS

Press, Volume LXXXV, Issue 25741, 1 March 1949, Page 4

MEDITERRANEAN STROKE HOLDS COMMAND OF SEAS

CHURCHILL MEMOIRS: BOOK II

[By the Rt. Hon. WINSTON SPENCER CHURCHILL, M.P.]

XXI

On the night of July 3 [19401 all the French vessels at Portsmouth and Plymouth were taken under British control. The action was sudden and necessarily a surprise. Overwhelming force was employed, and the whole transaction showed how easily the Germans could have taken possession of any French warships lying in ports which they controlled. In Britain the transfer, except in the Surcouf, was amicable, and the crews came willingly ashore. In the Surcouf two British officers were wounded, one leading seaman killed, and an able seaman wounded. One Frenchman was killed in the scuffle, but the utmost endeavours were made with success to reassure and comfort the French sailors. Many hundreds volunteered to join us. The Surcouf, after rendering distinguished service, perished on February 19, 1942, with all her gallant French crew. STERN CHOICE The deadly stroke was in the Western Mediterranean. Here, at Gibraltar, Vice-Admiral Somerville with “Force H,” consisting of the battlecruiser Hood, the battleships Valiant and Resolution, the aircraft-carrier Ark Royal, two cruisers and 11 destroyers, received orders sent from the Admiralty at 2.25 a.m. on July 1: “Be prepared for ‘Catapult’ July 3.” Among Somerville’s officers was Captain Holland, a gallant and distinguished officer, lately naval attacne in Paris and with keen French sympathies. who was influential In the early afternoon of July 1 the ViceAdmiral telegraphed: After talk with Holland and others, ViceAdmiral "Force H” is impressed with their view that the use of force should be avoided at all costs. Holland considers offensive action on our part would alienate all French wherever they are. To this the Admiralty replied at 6.20 p.m.: Firm intention of HMG that#if French will not accept any of your alternatives they are to be destroyed. Shortly after midnight (1.08 a.m., July 2) Admiral Somerville was sent the following carefully conceived text of the communication to be made to the French Admiral: It is impossible for us, your comrades up to now, to allow your fine ships to fall into the, power of the German or Italian enemy. We are determined to fight on to the end, and if we win, as we think we shall, we shall never forget that France was our ally, that our interests are the same as hers, and that our common enemy is Germany. Should we conquer, we solemnly declare that we shall restore the greatness and territory of France. For this purpose we must make sure that the best ships of the French Navy are not used against us by the common foe. In these circumstances. His Majesty's Government have instructed me to demand that the French Fleet now at Mers-el-Kebir and Cran shall act in accordance with one of the following alternatives:— (a) Sail with us and continue to fight for victory against the Germans and Italians. (b) Sail with reduced crews under our control to a British port. The reduced crews will be repatriated at the earliest moment. If either of these courses is adopted by you, we will restore your ships to France at the conclusion of the war or pay full compensation if they are damaged meanwhile. (c) Alternatively, if you feel bound to stipulate that your ships should not be used against the Germans or Italians unless these break the Armistice, then sail them with us with reduced crews to some French port in the West Indies— Martinique, for instance—where they can be demilitarised to our satisfaction, or perhaps be entrusted to the United States' and remain safe until the end of the war, the crews being repatriated. If you refuse these fair offers, I must, with profound regret, require you to sink your ships within six hours. Finally, failing the above, I have the orders of His Majesty’s Government to use whatever force may be necessary to prevent your ships from falling into German or Italian hands. BATTLE OF ORAN The Admiral sailed at daylight, and was off Oran at about 9.30. He sent Captain Holland himself in a destroyer to wait upon the French Admiral Gensoul. After being refused an interview Holland sent by messengers the documents already quoted. Admiral Gensoul replied in writing that in no case would the French warships be allowed to fall intact into German and Italian hands, and that force would be met with force. All day negotiations continued. Captain Holland waiting in his destroyer off the boom. The distress of the British Admiral and his principal officers was evident to us from the signals which had passed. Nothing but the most direct orders compelled them to open fire on those who had been so lately their comrades. At the Admiralty also there was manifest emotion. But there was no weakening in the resolve of the War Cabinet. I sat all the afternoon in the Cabinet room in frequent contact with my principal colleagues and the First Lord and First Sea Lord. A final signal was dispatched at 6.26 p.m.: French ships must comply with our terms or sink themselves or be sunk by you before dark. But the action had already begun. At 5.54 Admiral Somerville opened fire upon this powerful French fleet, which was also protected by its shore batteries. At 6 p.m. he reported that he was heavily engaged. The bombardment lasted for some 10 minutes, and was followed by heavy attacks by our naval aircraft, launched from the

Ark Royal. The battleship Bretagne was blown up. The Dunkerque ran aground. The battleship Provence, was beached. The Strasbourg escaped and, though attacked and damaged by torpedo aircraft, reached Toulon, as did also the cruisers from Algiers.

At Alexandria, after protracted negotiations with Admiral Cunningham. the French Admiral Godfrey agreed to discharge his oil fuel, to remove important parts of his gunmechanisms, and to repatriate some of his crews. At Dakar on July 8 an attack was made on the battieship Richelieu by the aircraft-carrier Hermes, and most gallantly by a motor-boat. The Richelieu was hit by an air torpedo and seriously damaged. The French aircraft-carrier and two light cruisers in the French West Indies were immobilised after long-drawn-out discussions under an agreement with the United States.

DEMONSTRATION IN COMMONS On July 4 I reported at length to the House of Commons what we had done. I thought it better for the cake of proportion to end upon a note which placed this mournful episode in true relation with the plight in which we stood. I therefore read to the House the admonition which I had, with Cabinet approval, circulated through the inner circles of the governing machine the day before: On what may be the eve of an attempted invasion or battle for our native land, the Prime Minister desires to impress upon all persons holding responsible position# in the Government, in the Fighting Services or in the Civil Departments, their duty to maintain a spirit of alert and confident energy. While every precaution must be taken that time and means afford, there are no grounds for supposing that more German troops can be landed in this country, either from the air or across the sea, than can be destroyed or captured by the strong forces at present under arms. The Royal Air Force is in excellent order and at the highest strength yet attained. The German Navy was never so weak, nor the British Army at home so strong as now. The Prime Minister expects all His Majesty’s servants in high places to set an example of steadiness and resolution. They should check and rebuke the expressions of loose and ill-digeSted opinions in their circles, or by their subordinates. They should not hesitate to report, or if necessary remove, any persons, officers, or officials who are’found to be consciously exercising a disturbing or depressing influence, and whose talk is calculated to spread alarm and despondency. Thus alone will they be worthy of the fighting men Who, in the air, on the sea, and on the land, have already met the enemy without any sense of being out-matched in martial qualities. The House was very silent during the recital, but at the end there occurred a scene unique in my own experience. Everybody seemed to stand up all around, cheering, for what seemed a long time. Up till this moment the Conservative Party had treated me with some reserve, and it was from the Labour benches that I received the warmest welcome when I entered the House or rose on serious occasions. But now all joined in solemn stentorian accord.

VICHY BREAKS OFF RELATIONS The elimination of the French Navy as an important factor almost at a single stroke by violent action produced a profound impression in every country. Here was this Britain which so many had counted dowh and out, which strangers had supposed to be quivering on the brink of surrender to the mighty power arrayed against her, striking ruthlessly at her dearest friends of yesterday and securing lor a while to herself the undisputed command of the sea. It was made plain that the British War Cabinet feared nothing and would stop at nothing. This was true. The Petain Government had moved to .Vichy on July 1, and proceeded to set itself up as the Government of Unoccupied France. On receiving the news of Oran they ordered retaliation by air upon Gibraltar, and a few bombs were dropped upon the harbour . from their African stations. On July 5 they formally broke off relations with Great Britain. On July 11 President Lebrun gave place to Marshal Petain, who was installed as Chief of the State by an enormous majority of 569 against 80, with 17 abstentions and many absentees. The genius of France enabled her people to comprehend the whole significance of Iran, and in her agony to draw new hope and strength from this additional bitter pang. General de Gaulle, whom I did not consult beforehand, was magnificent in his demeanour, and France liberated and restored has ratified his conduct. Immense relief spread through the high Government circles in the United States. The Atlantic Ocean seemed to sheltering power, and a long vista of time opened out for the necessary preparations for the safety of the great Republic. Henceforth there was no more talk about Britain giving in. The only question was, would she be invaded and conquered? That was the issue which was now to be put to the proof. (To be continued.) Copyright 1949 in U.S.A, by The New York Times Company and Time, Inc. (publisher of Time and Life); in the British Empire by the Daily Telegraph Ltd.; elsewhere by International Cooperation Press Service, Inc. World rights reserved. Reproduction in full or in part in any language strictly prohibited.