The Press FRIDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1947. Independent Burma

Press, Volume LXXXIII, Issue 25329, 31 October 1947, Page 6

The Press FRIDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1947. Independent Burma

Although many Burmans are known to share British disappointment that Burma, now to become a free and independent nation, will take its new status outside and not within the British Commonwealth, there need be no regrets on the British side. The Burmans were offered and entitled to use complete freedom of choice, and the country’s eager, energetic, intensely nationalist but young and inexperienced politicians would have nothing to do with a status which seemed to them to carry, in name if not in fact, a suggestion of national subordination. The British Government has conceded to Burma at least some of the advantages which a Dominion could expect to receive; and no one will doubt that this is wise and statesmanlike. The transfer of power will take place in the most friendly atmosphere, and the treaty signed by Mr Attlee and the Prime Minister of Burma (Thakin Nu), details of which have now been made public, provides for close military and commercial relations between Britain and the Republic of the Union of Burma. Certainly the auspices for the transfer of power are infinitely more favourable than in India. In India the deep cleavages of race and religion could be bridged only by strenuous efforts and strained compromises, and then only precariously. In Burma there is substantial political unity among its diverse races; the Constituent Assembly, indeed, approved the draft of the new Constitution without a single dissentient vote.

The Provisional Government, authoritarian in many ways yet lacking administrators of experience, has shown unexpected political sagacity. In-no respect has this been more impressive than in the handling of the most difficult minority ptoblem, that of the frontier tribes of the north. Virtually all these peoples have agreed to enter the Union of Burma under the ingeniously flexible Constitution, which permits varying degrees of local autonomy. They served the Allied cause magnificently in the war; and the fact that they find themselves able to enter the union on terms which secure their position relieves a very proper British anxiety on their account and encourages high hopes of the new masters of Burma. The tasks facing the Burmese Government are more formidable than is generally realised. Few countries suffered worse devastation in the war. The earth of Burma was ruthlessly “scorched” before it was yielded to the Japanese, anything that was left or repaired was a target for Allied bombs, and the tide of war flowed over the land twice. It is still a derelict country, where brigandage is rampant and civil order in many parts unknown. The most competent political leaders were assassinated by their political opponents. Their successors are credited with handling the situation created by the murders with level-headed firmness; and the result, temporarily at least, has been a marked increase in public confidence in and goodwill for the Government. Competent observers count it as one of the outstanding achievements of the Burmese leaders that they prevented civil war or a violent clash of parties; and they did this pot so much by repressive police methods as by persuasion and political skill. Burma’s future problems of defence will be simplified and eased by the assistance promised under the treaty. Though all British troops will be withdrawn quickly, a British naval, military, and air mission will help to train and organise the forces of the Republic. Britain will also hand over a very useful navy “in being ”, 37 warships now on loan to Burma. Other clauses of the treaty provide for British assistance in maintaining airfields and mutual arrangements for the use of ports and aerodromes. Burma, apparently, is not seeking a new loan, but will benefit substantially from the financial terms of the treaty. Britain will remit £15,000,000 of Burma’s loan indebtedness, cancel the interest on the remainder, and postpone the beginning of the repayment programme until 1952. By then Burma should be well on the way to standing on her own feet economically as well as politically. The recovery of agriculture, already very encouraging, will be speeded as law and order are restored. Even this year, Burma will export about 1,000,000 tons of rice; the pre-war export trade of 3,500,000 tons should not be difficult to A present obstacle' to economic rehabilitation is the uncertainty of the future of the British companies which operated in Burma before the war. Although many have been reluctant to reinvest capital in the present state of the country, others, notably the Burma Oil Company, have energetically reconstructed, confident that their capital and technical resources will be indispensable to any Government. The Burmese Constitution provides for public ownership of the major industries. Already the Government has organised a rice monopoly; others are planned “to protect the country “against real or imagined foreign “ exploitation by resorting to a kind “of Oriental socialism ”, as the “ Manchester Guardian ” remarked. Burma has much to gain, if these industries can be quickly restored and lifted to prosperity; much more to lose, if ill-trained and inexperienced bureaucrats run them badly. British enterprises do not yet know their future. It may remain in doubt until the separate treaty of commerce and navigation is signed.