A "NEW ORDER" FOR JAPAN

Press, Volume LXXVI, Issue 23132, 23 September 1940, Page 6

A "NEW ORDER" FOR JAPAN

Prince Konoye’s Revolution

TOTALITARIAN STATE WITHOUT

A PARTY

[By H. G. W. WOODHEAD, Far Eastern Correspondent of "The Press.”]

tiSi architects will not sla»i shly Jollow European mjdds.

SHANGHAI, September 1

Prince Konoye’s long-awaited and much-advertised statement on the new national structure of Japan was issued on August 28, As cabled to Shanghai it appears to be somewhat of an anti-climax. It docs not detail the revolutionary changes m Japans political life that were anticipated, but merely indicates to the preparatory committee, formed for the purpose the lines on which the new national structure is to be worked out. Contrary to the expectations of Japans political parties, who have been competing with each other in rapidity of dissolution, anticipating the assumption by the new Premier of the leadeiship of a single national party the Prince has declared himself against any such organisation. He has made it clear, however, that without a single national party—indeed without any party at all-Japan is openly going totalitarian. The State is not to be controlled by a party monopoly but in theory by the throne, assisted by all its subjects. We are not to see in Japan anything corresponding to the Fascist! m Italy, the Nazis in the Reich, or the Communists in the U.S.S.R. But the throne, assisted by all the people, is to enforce a nation-wide permanent, organisation which will control all the domains of the State and of the population, in politics, in economy, in education, and in culture. Authority of Emperor

The Prince evidently feels that establishment of the single party which he was expected to lead would derogate from the prestige and authority of the Emperor. Neither in reality nor in name does he desire to see the Emperor’s authority encroached upon. There seems to be little possibility of any serious differences of opinion in the new Konoye structure, but if they should arise “the final decision would rest with the throne,” and once it is given, ‘“all subjects should unite in obeying his word.” In theory the status of the Emperor undergoes little if any change. The Emperor ever since the adoption of the constitution has had the final word, though he did not enjoy unlimited powers of initiation. In practice his Majestv has almost invariably acted upon the advice of his Ministers, including those attached to his person, and of the Genro. There has been a general reluctance to.invoke his personal authority, except in a really grave emergency, such as the military revolt in February, 1936, when it was invoked to induce?ihe mutineers to lay dowh their arms without further resistance. They then found themselves in the predicament that they could not pretend that they were acting in the Emperor's interests seeing that further insubordination would have involved deliberate disobedience of imperial orders. Limitation Unpopular

The loyalty and devotion of the Japanese nation to the throne is generally known. It extends to Japanese of all ages, sexes, and classes, even to those who have mental reservations

as to his divine origin and power* There could, therefore, be no greater political heresy than derogation from the imperial power and prestige by putting a national party in control of the State. The Japanese, apparently would not for a moment tolerate the allocation to their monarch of the pup. pet status of King Victor Emmanuel, whose voice counted for nothing against that of the ambitious Duce. Whether he chooses to exercise his prerogatives or not, he must never be displaced in the public’s mind or eye by a party leader. This may be regarded as the main factor in Prince Konoye’s decision. Another is the growing impatience in Japan with anything savouring of imitation of any occidental system. Brilliant results, as Prince Konoye says, may have been achieved by the single party system in other lands. “It is unacceptable to Japan because it is contrary to the basic principle of our national policy of 'one sovereign over air.”

Details of the new structure within the limits defined by the Premier remain to be worked out. These seem likely to involve: a radical change in the status and functions of Parliament: increased domination of internal and external policies by the leaders of the fighting services under pretext of perfecting “a national defence structure of the highest degree”; and the concentration of the total power of the nation first, upon the successful conclusion of “the China incident," and later upon the “unparalleled tasks of cx-eating a new order in East Asia.” Consuls Recalled It remains to be seen whether the projected new structui'e will in itself kindle sufficient national enthusiasm, or whether it will merely be a prelude to a more adventurous and aggressive foreign policy. Among the members of the committee entrusted with the task of formulating this new structure are several men. of extremist views who advocate the latter coux-se—who favour the open alignment of Japan with the Axis and an attempt to era-' dicate all western influence in the Far East.

Mr Matsuoka’s recent diplomatic blitzkrieg, involving the recall of so many senior diplomats and consular officials, is interpreted in a section of the Japanese press as a prelude to a stiffening of Japan’s policy towards Britain and America. This unprecedented purge is likely, notwithstanding the reassuring statement issued by Mr Shigemitsu, the Ambassador in London, to be followed by increasing tension between Japan and the AngloSaxon Powers. The most logical explanation of it is that a wholesale sweep has been made of diplomatic and consular officials who, though their loyalty and obedience to Tokyo were above suspicion, had shown themselves cut of sympathy with a new orienta. tion in Japan’s foreign policy, involving the risk of open conflict with the two great remaining democracies. It can hardly be expected that an avowed totalitarian regime in Japan will go out of its way to ,seek peaceful adjustment of its relations with the AngloSaxon States. Whether it will pass from lack of sympathy to overt hostility, however, will probably depend upon the outcome of the battle o: Britain.