NEUTRALITY OF GREECE

Press, Volume LXXVI, Issue 23053, 22 June 1940, Page 10

NEUTRALITY OF GREECE

ATHENS, May 11. The Greek Government’s intention to preserve neutrality at nearly any price during the European conflict is made doubly clear, and its present policy is designed to keep the people even from mental participation, and to foster an attitude in which, as far as this country is concerned, peace is taken for granted. In the official view, no nation or nations have or are likely to have predatory or hostile intentions regarding Greece. News dispatches of both Allied and German sources are printed in the newspapers, one neutralising the effect of the other by careful arrangement. No editorial comment is permissible. Neither are books, presenting one side or the other too violently, allowed. Also, lest partisan feeling be aroused, news reels, even those remotely connected with the war, are strictly taboo. French Papers Withdrawn Even now that the war area threatens by enlargement to include fhe eastern Mediterranean and Balkan Peninsula and the whole problem of how to maintain neutrality in the midst" of strife approaches an acute stage, no recognition of such a problem has been voiced. True, Premier John Metaxas has publicly stated that Greece would fight if “menaced,” but this part of his May Day speech' was of secondary importance compared to the other and larger part, in which he dealt with internal matters, emphasising his intention to persist in the construction of a “new order” working—it would appear—in a vacuum. Recently certain French newspapers have alluded to the role Greece might be called upon to play, and have described a certain nervousness, widespread here, as the possibility of an Italian attack on the Balkan nations is envisaged. Those newspapers were hastily withdrawn from circulation. Yet the people’s interest in the war is such that it cannot readily be put in Coventry. The apprehension that the war, forcing its way down here by no matter what agency, will involve them cannot easily be assuaged. Generally, the Premier’s utterance that Greece would fight if “menaced” is accepted as meaning that Greece would only fight if directly attacked. Certainly, it appears highly improbable at the moment that Greece will take military action in the event of either German or attack upon any of her neighbours. However, a considerable block of contrary-minded opinion would favour a stronger line and advocate the pooling of Greece’s strength with that of that nation or those nations which were resisting aggression. Aid For Rumania Unlikely Even so, at is hard to imagine that Greece would go to the help of Rumania even on Turkish insistence, but she might, in spite of protests, find it

Peace at Almost Any Price OFFICIAL VIEWS PREVAIL The uncertain state of affairs in the Mediterranean draws attention to the position and attitude of Greece, which is discussed in tha following article. Like Turkey and Rumania, Greece had received a guarantee of security from the the Allies.

l advisable to help in the rescue of Jugoslavia. The Greek Government would do a great deal to avoid any possible alienation of Turkish sympathy. At the same time, it cannot be too strongly affirmed that the Greek Government, bent on peace, would do even more to avoid a war. It is even likely that an Anglo-French request for the use of certain Greek harbours would at first be denied, ill order to preserve the strictest neutrality, yet, if the Allies should press their claims with sufficient vigour, no doubt the Government would acquiesce in payment for the Anglo-French guarantees of Greek integrity, which certainly most Greeks would not wish to see withdrawn. If it became necessary for the Allies to demand access to Greek anchorages, they would become identified with, so to speak, the war faction and the war faction identified with them. And a state of affairs similar to that of 1916, when the country was split in two rival camos, would again occur. Already German propaganda portrays the British and French as subtly scheming to drag the nation into war for their own advantage. Although many may consider isolation as a sure way to subsequent and more disastrous embroilment, the appeal to peace, simply as such, finds widespread response. The country has not yet recovered • from the last bout of almost continual fighting from 1912 in the Balkan War'to the catastrophe in Smyrna 10 years later. Air Force Held Inadequate _ Then the Greeks, being a realistic people, know that even the most intense patriotism and'the most commendable courage are of little avail against armies superior in numbers, training, and equipment. Government projects, social services, and efforts generally at the “new order,” which entails the maintenance of a huge youth organisation and an efficient and übiquitous police force, secret and otherwise, as props to the dictatorship, are, of course, costly items on the national budget. There are many who wonder if the army has received proportionate attention to face the possibility of an enemy’s air fleet bombing important cities, air fields, and communications within a few hours of the commencement of hostilities. The Greek air force, although greatly increased both in numbers and efficiency in the last year, would still prove tragically inadequate in combat with the air might of any large Power. Not only are people apprehensive over what might happen in the event of hostilities, but are equally so o’v£r what possibly is happening at the.pfe--sent time in the way- of “fifth column” activities. Here, however, the Government professes to have no worries. The police believe they have thoroughly checked up on the whereabouts and activities of all foreign residents and tourists. In a recent interview with the Premier a foreign- diplomat received the emphatic assurance—“ There are no Quislings in Greece.”