IMPERIAL UNITY.

Press, Volume LX, Issue 18266, 27 December 1924, Page 5

IMPERIAL UNITY.

FOREIGN POLICY AND DOMINIONS. LORD GREY'S BROADCAST j SPEECH. . (TEOU OUB own CORRK SPOKTINT.) LONDON, November 13. Last week Viscount Grey of Fallodon broadcast a "talk" on the Dominions and British foreign policy. The arrangements for this were made by the British Institute of International Affairs with the British Broadcasting Company. In introducing his subject, Lord Grey said that broadcasting by wireless was specially apt to overcome difficulties of geographical distance, and such difficulties had constituted a great obstacle to the unity of the foreign policy of the British Empire. "The wo I'd 'Empire,' " he said, "implies a central authority and subordinate parts. The self-governing Dominions are independent commonwealths, and the word subordination has no application to them. It is also true that while their populations are very largely of British stock, other white elements are included in them, notably the Frenc-h in Canada and the Dutch in South Africa. j "But even peoples of the same race may be said to become separate nations when they have been for a long time in different environments, in dif- | ferent geographical positions, different climates, and each with a different set of traditions, dating from the settlement of the country which it now oc cupies. Self-governing Dominions are now recognised as having all the independence which is characteristic of a separate nation, while retaining the ties of sentiment or interest which unite them with the Mother Country under one Commonwealth. This is an unprecedented position in history, and it presents us with problems which have never been solved before, because no State has hitherto had to deal with them. "Very great success has been obtained in their solution already. The selfgoverning Dominions are as independent in their internal affairs as if they were detached from all connexion with any other State. In their home policy —not only in matters which affect only themselves, but also in fiscal policy, which does affect other Commonwealths and other parts of the Empire—they find it possible to differ. Different fiscal, financial, land, and social policies are all found to be compatible with the maintenance of Imperial unity. One policy is not essential for any of these matters. On the other hand, it is essential to Imperial unity that there should be one foreign policy for the whole. One State of the Commonwealth cannot be involved in a serious dispute with a foreign country without the risk of consequences which may involve all the other parts. All the self-governing parts must therefore be in equal consultation about foreign policy, and it is here that we) are confronted with a problem v.'hieh has not yet been solved. Maintenance of Sea Communication. "Problems of foreign policy are too important to be dealt with by any but the most responsible persons—Prime Ministers of each State in person. Geo' graphical distance makes it impossible for these Prime Ministers to assemble together in any part of the Empire at short notice, or frequently, for their positions are too important to allow them to be absent often or for long periods from their own Commonwealths. Consultation by telegram and not in person is always fragmentary, and can never be otherwise. Contingencies arise constantly in foreign policy that may be fraught with the gravest consequences. It is impossible for Britain adequately to consult all the Dominions in a sudden emergency. It is imperative that critical action should not be taken without consultation. How far can we advance towards a solution of this apparently not soluble problem? We can only do it by having one or two great principles of action agreed with all the Commonwealths, and formulating those principles in a way that shall cover the greatest number of possible contingencies. One thing may be accepted as an axiom by all the Commonwealths. That Britain is the nerve centre of the whole, and that the maintenance of -sea communication is essential to the life of the whole. If the nerve centre be destroyed the union of Commonwealths is destroyed. They may each retain their separate life, but they are no longer parts of a great whole. A Nerve Centre. "The British Government is, therefore, responsible to the self-governing Dominions for preserving itself as a nerve centre. They may be expected freely to accept the obligation to help I in preserving it when in danger, but in j return must not. only be conceded, I but they ought to claim for themselves a share in British foreign policy. It is not enough for them to say that if not consulted they will disclaim responsibility; it is essential that they should feel that their interests are so bound up in the preservation of the nerve centre that they must positively insist upon and claim their share. In old days it would have been more simple than it is to-day for them to agree upon a common foreign policy. "In old days it would have been possible to agree with them that Britain j being an island, which as long as its sea power is retained could not be attacked on its own soil, should stand aside from all European complications. Europe might be convulsed, but the British nerve centre lying in the ocean outside Europe would be protected by this position, and would not only preserve its own vitality, but also its communication with other parts of the British Empire, while Europe was convulsed on land. But to-day things have changed. Britain, the nerve centre, is no longer in the old sense an island. In old days Continental armies could not come to Britain as long as the British Fleet dominated the seas. Unforeseen Crises. "That cannot be said now. The Channel- cannot be kept open for British shipping if there were big guns on the south shore of it in hostile hands. Aircraft can cross the Channel for hostile purposes with less difficulty than'armies can cross rivers. The risk of Britain being involved in Continental complications is greater than it ever was. We all remember how embarrassed and perplexed the self-gov-erning Dominions were when, in 1922, they had suddenly to be consulted through the menace of war with Turkey in the Chanak affair. The question, therefore, for each Imperial Conference is how to secure an' agreement on policy which shall provide for unforeseen crises. "Not long ago a dispute arose between Italy and Greece. The Italians occupied Corfu. British opinion was stirred. lam told that in one of the

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great Dominions, as long as it appeared to be a question as to whether Italy or Greece should be in Corfu, public opinion in that Dominion was left quite cold, and that had trouble followed the people' would not have been ready to help. But when it appeared that the Corfu affair might raise the question of the Covenant of the League of Nations, then public opinion in that Dominion was as much stirred as public opinion in Britain, and was ready if need be to stand up for the Covenant. Principles of 'Arbitration. "This suggests a principle of policy which may be a great help to unity in foreign policy between all the selfgoverning parts of the Empire. For instance, the. British Government may now say to the self-governing Dominions, 'We promise that in any dispute with a foreign nation we will propose to refer the matter to the International Court of Justice, to the League of Nations, or to arbitration. This will be a guarantee to you that you will not suddenly be called upon to take a hand in some dispute of which you have not had time to consider the merits.' The Dominions in return will say, 'We now know where we are. We rely upon that promise, and if the peaceful means of settlement proposed by the British Government is refused, we shall regard the Power that so refuses as an aggressor upon Britain, arid we shall give our support to uphold that principle of arbitration which we have pledged ourselves at the Imperial Conference to support." "The League of Nations was initiated, and is being maintained and strengthened, in order to secure peace. That is still our prime motive in, supporting it. But from what I have said it is apparent that, incidentally, the League of Nations or an arbitration policy may go a long way to solve that hitherto unsolved, and as some may think, insoluble problem of securing unity of foreign policy between all the geographically widely separated commonwealths of the British Empire. Sea communications are the nerve system of the' British Empire. Britain with the British Fleet is the nerve centre. The preservation of that nerve centre is vital to all the commonwealths. They ought to feel it precious to them. If they feel it so they will not say to the British Government, 'You have a free hand in foreign policy, but we, the Dominions, will not hold ourselves bound.' On the contrary, they will say, 'We claim the right to be consulted on equal terms, in order that we may share responsibility and be sure that British foreign policy is one that is wise in fht Interests of Imperial unity." x