TERMS UNACCEPTABLE.

Press, Volume LVII, Issue 17225, 16 August 1921, Page 7

TERMS UNACCEPTABLE.

MR DE VALERA'S REPLY. COMPLETE POLITICAL DETACHMENT WANTED. LONDON, August U. . Official.-Mr de Valera's 'otter to Mr 1 Lloyd George asserts that the British proposals ore such as the Irish people cannot accept. Ho claims to negotiate with Britain as a separate, foreign Power. The text of Mr de Valera s letter states: "After consulting my colleagues, tihey confirm the declaration that the British proposals are such as the Dail Eireann cannot, and the Irish people will not, accept. We do not contemplate the use of force towards Ulster. If the British Government stands aside we can effect a complete reconciliation. I cannot admit tho British right to mutilate our country. We are ready to meet you in all that is rensonoble and just. We have no conditions to impose and no claims, but that we slhall be freed from aggression. Ireland's Tight to. choose the path she shall take to realise her destiny must bo accepted as indisputable. It is my own and my colleagues' conviction that true friendship towards England, which military coercion has frustrated for centuries, can be obtained readily through «3 amicable, but absolute separation.' Mr de Valera's letter points out ffia't the outline given in the draft of July *uth is self-contradictory, and the principle of the pact is not easy to determine. Bight of Self-Deterifltaation. . "We appreciate and accept it so far as it implies recognition of Ireland's separate nationhood, and the right of self-determination, but in the stipulations and express conditions concerning vital matte-s, this principle is strangely set aside. Claims are advanced by the British Government to interference in Irish affairs, the control of which we oannot admit. Ireland's right to.choose her own path towards her destiny, maintained through centuries of oppression and at the coat of unparalleled sacrifice and suffering, we will not surrender to Great Britain or any other foreign State. We cannot claim to interfere with that right in order to serve our own interests. The Irish people believe tneir national destiny is best realised by political detachment, free of Imperialistic entanglement. Ireland, like the small States of Europe, is prepared to hazard her independence on the basis of moral right, confident that, as she would threaten no nation, her people would be free from aggression themselves. This policy the Irish have declared in plebiscite after plebiscite, "All treaties and agreements will have to be ratified, firstly by the national legislature, and subsequently by the Irish people under circumstances of a free decision, from which military compulsion must be absent. The Irish people are prepared to leave the question of Ireland's liability for a share ,of the present debt of the United Kingdom to ft board of arbitrators, one appointed by Ireland, and one by Great Britain 'and the third to be chosen by agreement, or, in default, to-be nominated, say, by the American president. Problem of Ulster. "Regarding the question at issue between »the political minority and the great majority of the Irish people, that must remain a question for the Irish .peopielthemselvea to settle.' We canriot admit the right of the British Government to mutilate our country, either io ita own interests: or at the call of any section of our population, We do not contemplate the use of force. If your Government stand* aside, we can effect a complete reconciliation. We «xe willing that tWa question, too, shall be submitted to external arbitration. We are ready to meet you in all that is reasonable and just. The responsibility for initiating and effecting an honourable peace rests primarily on your Government. We have no conditions to impose, and no claims to make but the one that we snail be free from .aggression. v Dominion Status Illusory, "Everyone understandyig the conditions knows that Dominion status for Ireland would be illusory. The freedom which the British Dominions enjoy is not so much the result of legal enactments and treaties as the immense distances which separate them from Britain, making interference by Britain impracticable. The most explicit guarantees, including the Dominions' acknowledged right lo secede from the Empire, would be necessary to secure to Ireland an equal degree of freedoni. There is no suggestion in yonr proposal of any such guarantees. Instead, the natural position is reversed. Our geographical situation in fespeot to Britain js made the basis of den : al» of restrictions unheard of in the case of the Dominions. The smaller island must give military safeguards and guarantees to the larger and suffer itself to be reduced to a position of helpless dependency. "It is obvious we cannot urge our people to accept such proposals. A certain treaty of, free association with the British Commonwealth group as with the partial League* of Nations, we would be ready to recommend, negotiate, and take responsibility for, if we had an assurance that the entry of the Irish nation as a whole into such an association would secure for it the allegiance of the present dissenting minority. Treaties for free inter-trade, mutual limitation of armaments, agreements facilitating air, railway, and other communications, can be effectedNo obstacle will be placed in the way of the smooth commercial intercourse which is essential to both islands. NO RIGHT TO SECESSION. NO FOREIGN ARBITRATION. DECLARATION BY MB LLOYD GBOBOE. LONDON, August 14. Mr Lloyd George,.in reply, declines -to discuss the question in public or to refer the matter to the arbitrament of , a -foreign Power, He refuses to con"tJttne a theoretical discussion on the

national status which ginn Fein is will- | ing to accept, Mr de Valera's olaim 1 that Great Britain shall acknowledge the right of Ireland to secede from allegiance to the King can never be acknowledged. Ireland must recognise the force of geographical and historical facts. The Prime Minister states he will gladly give an assurance that he will concur in any settlement that Southern and Northern Ireland may make for I Irish unity. His proposals were made in 81 sincere desire to achieve peace. Beyond them he cannot go. , Mr Lloyd George espressos a desire to make the position absolutely clesfr. "In our opinion nothing can be gained by prolonging the discussion on the national status whioh you are willing to accept, compared with that of the selfgoverning Dominions. I must direct your attention to one point you emphasise, on whidh no British Government can compromise, namely, the claim that we should acknowledge the right of Ireland to seoede from allegiance to the Kinjj. No such right can ever be acknowledged by us. The "geographical proninquity of Ireland is a fundamental fact, and the history of the two islands for many centuries, however, may be read as sufficient proof that their destinies are indissolubly linked. Great numbers in all the Irish provinces are profoundly attaohed to the Throne. "The facts permit of one answer, and one only, to the claim that Britain should negotiate with Ireland as a separate and foreign Power. When you, as the chosen representative of Irish national ideals, came to speak, I made one condition only, to the effect that Ireland should recognise the force of geographical and historical facts. Those facts govern the problem of British and Irish relations. I pass, therefore, to the conditions imposed by these facts. There is no need to restate them here, except to say that the British Government cannot consent to the reference of any suoh question which concerns Britain and Ireland alone, to the arbitration of a foreign Power. "I am profoundly glad to have your agreement that Northern Ireland cannot be coerced. This point is of importance, because the resolve of our people to resist to their full power any attempt at secession of one part of Ireland, carries our necessity to an equal resolve to resist any effort to coerce any other part of Ireland from allegiance to the Crown. These conditions contain no derogation of Ireland's status as a Dominion. There is no desire for British ascendancy, and ho impairment of Ireland's national ideals, but they offer to the Irish people an opportunity such as has never dawned before." ATTmiDE OF ULSTER.. STATEMENT B7 SIB JAMES OBAIGh (Received August 15th, 7.45 p.m.) LONDON, August 14. Sir James Craig, Premier of Ulster, writes to Mr Lloyd George: "In order that yon may correctly understand the attitude we propose to adopt, it is necessary to remind you of the.sacrifices we recently made in-agreeing to, government and consenting to, the establishment of a Parliament for North- ; »ern Ireland. It was much against our wish, but in the interests of peace we accepted this as a final settlement of a long-standing difficulty confronting Great Britain* "We are now engaged in ratifying our part of the bargain, wlbile Irishmen; outside the Northern area baVe chosen to repudiate the Government of Ireland and to press Great Britain for greater} powers. To join in such pressure is repugnant to the people of Northern: Ireland, and in the further interests of peace'we decline to interfere with the terms made between Britain and South; Ireland. It oannot tlhen be said that Ulster blocks the way. "Our acceptance of your original invitation to meet in conference holds' good. If our assistance be again desired wo are but I am bound to acquaint you with the fact that « meeting is impossible between Mr de Valexa and myself .until he recognises that Northern Ireland will not submit to any authority other than that of the King and the Parliament of the United.Kingdom, and until he admits the sanctity of the existing powers and privileges of the Parliament end Government of Northern Ireland. " "Peace is as earnestly desired by my Government aB by yours. We have nothing! teft t<* g* ve » wa y- w ® ai $ P re " pared, when you and Mr de Valera arrive at a satisfactory settlement, to cooperate with the South on equal terms for the future welfare of, our common country," __ ACUAMOFHOPE. :&. A SEASONED BBniSAL, (United ServW.) (Received August 15th, 7.45 pinj.) / LONDON. August }4, The English newspapers generally agree that Mr Lloyd . George's offer marks the limit of the concessions to which the Government is prepared to go. They express profound disappointr meat at Mr de Valera's reply, regarding it as tantamount to a refusal. "The Times" sees a gleam of hope ,in the tone in which the reply is couched, and says that "in substance it is a refusal, but a reasoned refusal, which seems deliberately to avoid any final rupture." ''The Tunes" adds: "Since Mr de Valera's return to Ireland extremist counsels have apparently prevailed, inducing the leaders to put forward their view. We refuse to despair until the Irish people and Parliament lave had an opportunity of studying the offer and weighing theic reply.". (Australian and N.Z. CbbSt Association.) Qleceived-August 15th, 9.30 p.m.) LONDON, August 14. .Commenting. on the Irish situation, the "Daily Express" says: "We refuse to believe that Mr de Valera's communication represents the last word. It is evident he is having trouble with his extremist followers, his letter expressing their -views. We predict that Mr Lloyd George's proposals will favourab'y affect the bulk of tne Irish people. The Government has already broken, its rules by going straight to the point ' and making a firm, final offer of all it t is willing to pay for Irish peace. The people of Great Britain are intensely anxious for ft friendly settlement,'/and*

are prepared to go to groat lengths to realise their desire. Those lengtlia are reached in the Government's offer." The "Daily Telegraph" says: "The only interpretation that can be put on Mr do Valera's letter is that courage to stand up against the extreme elements of Sinn Fein has not been found in its more responsible and betterinstruoted leadership. They simply restate the essentials of an impossible demand, totally disregarding the advice given by General Smuts in his letter. How far Sinn Fein is removed from facing realities will be judged from the reference to Ulster. The way remains open for the introduction of practical statesmanship into negotiations on the Irish side. On the j side of Great Britain, it is clear that the utmost that could be asked of political generosity and human goodwill has been given." The "Morning Post" says r—"We thought it possible that the rebels might have accepted the terms, because the conditions formulated by the , Government give Sinn Fein all they wipt, Inasmuch a s a treaty framed on these terms would enable the South to declare a Republic, leaving Great Britain a choice between acceptance of the situation and waging a war of re-con-quest. Mr de Valcra haß other views. His insolent rejection of the offer is extremely significant. The position is that the Government proffered surrender, and its overtures have been flung back in its face. Short of wholly yielding the rebel demands, the Government of this country cannot sink lower. It courted humiliation and received its full measure." The "Daily News" comments:—"lf Ireland desires the opinion of the civilised world on the choice presented by the British Cabinet, she has it in General Smuts's letter. It is a perfectly consistent attitude for Irishmen to take up that Ireland would be happier, with, and therefore ought to have, sovereign independence, but that attitude ignores every consideration of practical politics, and puts the shadow before the substance," The "Daily Chroniole" says:—"lt is difficult not to discern many hands and two tendencies in Mr de Valera's letter, one doctrinaire and hostile to peace, and the other practicable and favourable. The hostile tendency now has the upper hand in the councils which drafted the letter. It remains to be seen whether Irish publio opinion and the. opinion of the Pail Eireann confirm that supremacy." GENERAL SMUTS'S LETTER. ALLEGED BREACH OF :■, CONFIDENCE. ""S 1 * Wii_. • • <■ (Reutar's Telegrams,) (Received August 15th, lM p.m.) LONDON, August 14, The Publicity Department of tho Doil Eireann issues a statement that Mr de Valera does hot believe General Smuts would have authorised publication of his letter without the President's consent, which was not given. The letter should certainly not have been published without the full communications which have passed between the English and Irish GovernGerieral Smutf simply marises'nis own views. afeVtjpt justified by the British pron&als. General Smuts's letter caused 8 great sensation among the publio in Ireland, and keen resentment in Sinn Fein circles, which regard its publica-, twxn as a breach of ccrofidencei "