The Press. Tuesday, December 17, 1918. The German Colonies.

Press, Volume LIV, Issue 16397, 17 December 1918, Page 6

The Press. Tuesday, December 17, 1918. The German Colonies.

It seems now to be generally agreed that the colonies which hare been taken from Germany are not to be given back to her. Her appalling brutalities towards the native races subjected to her rule have 6hown her to be absolutely unfit to be entrusted with their destinies. She is not and never has been a colonising Power; and for many years to come her efforts will be directed to keeping Germans at home to replace the awful ravages of war, and there will be no surplus for emigration. Her motivo in seeking to .retain colonies is that she may make them naval and military bases, in preparation for the time when she again 'feels impelled to attempt to impose her "kultur" on other nations. But if there is practical agreement that the colonies of which Germany has been dispossessed shall not be handed back to her, there is, it appears, some slight discussion as to what ought to be done with them. Surely, the most reasonable solution is that they shall, in cach. ease, be retained by the Power which took them from Germany. This is what is called the rule of "Uti possi"detis" in international law, and is the rule which is generally acted *\pon.

It is perfectly true that Britain did not enter upon this war with tho idea of aggrandisement, and wo fully believe that the Mother Country would prefer not to increase her oversea responsibilities at the present time. She w&s practically forced by Queensland into annexing New Guinea, and she refused to tako over the control of Samoa when urged to do so by the New Zealand Government, even although high Samoan Chiefs, speaking on behalf of their people, had appealed for shelter under tho British flag. Great Britain is bound to press for the retention of the newly-conquered districts in Africa, because the Union of South Africa, whoso sons laid down their lives in ousting tho Germans, will not quietly submit to theso conquered lands being given up to a Power which is likely to use them for purely military purposes in preparation for a war of aggression. Australia and New Zealand are equally determined to protest against any disposition of German New Guinea, tho Bismarck Archipelago, and Samoa, which may convert them into a perpetual menace against these Dominions, and compel us to maintain not only an army continu ally ready for defence., but a considerable naval force as well. What nation has a better right to occupy theso colonies than the nation which has taken them in war? On tho same principle Japan, of course, is entitled to the Pacific Islands, seized and occupied by Japanese shins and troops.

Tho suggestion put forward by exPresident Taft that the best course is for tho colonies to be administered by tho "League of Nations" is in our judgment entirely unworthy of a statesman who has hitherto "borne a reputation not only for common sense but for sagacity. It has yet to be seen whether the project for a League of Naiions will get beyond the stage of an ideal—a "pious "wish." But i£ it is formed, how can such a body take upon itself tho functions of a Government administration, charged with the control and development of widely scattered possessions, with varying races and with varying needs and requirements? How can it appoint suitable administrators, prescribe the policy they shall follow, and keep a close watch upon the discharge of their duties? Who is to find the money to develop colonies -which are not reproductive, and what is to be done with the surplus revenue of those which more than pay their way? If such a for example, takes Samoa in hand, what is to be the official language? How are such knotty questions as tariffs and shipping regulations to be settled? How i 3 a spirit of patriotism to be instilled into the people? When Great Britain entered the arena, the rallying of tho native races under her sovereignty was one of the most striking features of the war. To take examples near at hand, who is there among us who was not stirred and touched by the patriotic offer of the people on the little island of Niue, and who is there that does not appreciate the good work don© by the natives of) Rarotonga in common with their Maori brethren? If Samoa is brought under British protection wo believo that the Samoans will learn to appreciate the privilege of being included in the British Empire, and will Jb o ready to fight for it should the need again arise. But how can wo expect the Samoans or any other race really to understand what is meant by a League of Nations, much less to feel towards such, an intangible entity any glow of patriotic affection such as would lead them, if need be, even to lay down their lives in its behalf? And is it possible to suggest any method more likely to introduce dissension, and defeat the prime object of the League of Nations, namely the maintenance of peace, than ex-Presidenti Taft's proposal to take away certain lands from the Power which has conquered them and to make these lands the subject of an experiment hitherto unheard of in history? Wo have had tripartite government in Samoa andi dual control in the New Hebrides, and the result in each case has been almost as bad as it could be. Government by a League of Nations opens up possibilities too appalling to contemplate.