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The Press. Saturday, November 18. 1916. Labour and Democracy.

The recent mooting: of the Trades Union Congress; in England was, perhaps, the most momentous that has been held since trie establishment of Trades Unionism as an organised system. This importance did not arise from the passing of any epoch-making resolutions; as :v matter of fact, they were mostly of the usual kind, with the addition of a sort of academic cardvot® condemning compulsory military service. Tho real importance of the meeting arose from the conditions under which, it was held. And the two outstanding conditions were—that capital and labour were shedding their blood, and straining their united efforts, for tho defeat of » common enemy; and that organised labour bqrj

been engaged for a year, not in fighting for its privileges, not in limiting output, but in thrusting into the background all its cherished rules and methods, and putting forth all its powers for tho increase of output to its maximum possibility. So that it was no wonder that the Congress exhibited little of the old war-to-the-knife spirit, and that the address of its president,

Mr Gosling (himself an old fighter), was moderate and discursive. The only

serious discussion was 011 the subject of after-war conditions, about which a good deal of anxiety was exhibited. The tone of the meeting, and the flood of articles and letters which have followed it. enable one to appreciate tho transformation which appears to be coming over the industrial scene ; n England. For the first time, probably, at such a meeting, men confessed to a weariness of industrial strfe; and a doubt was more than onco expressed whether the gain in a particular labour victory was worth the price paid for it. There: were many indications of a growing conviction that peace between captal and labour is not only possible. but in tho highest degree desirnble in tho interests of both. Still, speakers could not shako off tho old obsession of capitalists being unscrupulous "profiteerers," who would sell their very country for dividends, and grind tho souls out of their employees. But the relations botweon the two classcs are clearly in the melting-pot; and it is almost inconceivable that they should emergo again on the old crystallised lines of irreconcilable opposition. One of the greatest factors in the change is the Army itself. For the first time in her history Britain has a democratic Army; and the far-reaching effects of this fact it would bo difficult to overestimate. In this Army class distinctions are unknown. Tho political head of it, Mr Lloyd George, was the son of a poor schoolmaster. Tho military head, Sir Wm. .Robertson, Chief of Staff, enlisted as a privato soldier. and r.osc from the ranks. With the exception of a very small, proportion, tho. thousands of officers commanding enlisted as privates, and wero trained as privates before receiving their commissions. It is no wonder that officers and men £fivo their lives for each other, and that the deeds of • this Army thrill England from tho highest social stratum to the lowest. .It must bo a piece of grim irony for tho Kaiser to discover that ho and hi« war have done more than half a ceiitury of ordinary social progress to obliterate tho linos of social cleavage, on which h 0 counted so much for enfeebling the British effort. Kich and poor alike feel that this army i 9 of their very flesh and blood. Here, then, is one vast union of interests; and the munition factories furnish another. Strife, for tho time being, at least, is hushed; and the common cause swallows up every other consideration.

Will it last? This is the question which is being most anxiously asked and discussed in England to-day. Pessimists urgo that the present condition« are altogether abnormal and temporary; that -with their passing away will pass away also the sentiment of union which has been crcated by them; that the whole thing rests on mere sentiment, which has never been ablo to survive in the face of practical considerations and tho ordinary human, self-regarding instincts. Optimists are willing to accept even this last consideration, and baso their appeal for permanent harmony on tho possibility of a clearer understanding of mutual advantages. Tho discussion is carried on in earnest tones, because it is felt that the futuro welfare of England depends, to a very great extent, on the extinction of industrial strife. But all feel that, in order to ! accomplish any real result, it will be necessary to come down • from, lofty, general principles and sentiments, and j tackle the question on practical, tangible lines. Fine, vapoury sentiments in after-dinner speeches will lead to nothing. Ono must look into the attitude of each, party, and ask what each is prepared to do or to surrender. And first, tho workers. They hold in their hands two terrible weapons: limitation of output, and the power of throwing the wholo industrial machine temporarily on tho scrap-heap by a strike. Do they realise that arbitrary limitation of produution may mean, in the fierce competition that is coming, the absolute ruin of British industry? And do they ask themselves where would they bo then ? The same considerations apply in an even greater degree to tho weapon of strikes, if relentlessly applied. Then, the capitalists. Aro they &o bent on keeping wages down that they positively refuse to concede to their workmen any -share whatever in an increase of profits? If they are, or if they will only consider such participation on the basis of a corresponding participation in risks, then the hopes of adjustment are up against a stone wall. The workers will never consent to a participation in risks, because they say their capital is their labour, and they have no reserve. We may remark that vrc are not here urging our own arguments or points; we are merely summarising the drift of discussion in England. "What makes the subject so engrossing to peoplo at Homo is that thev have had now for a year tho object-lesson of the nation's workmen actually doing their level best; and the sense of contrast is very poignant. "We can only add for tho present on our own part that, while in New Zealand, as in England, there is a wide difference between good capitalists and bad, so there is a wide difference between the genuine Labour Unionist, who strives lionestlv for tho welfare of his class, but is always open to reasonable arrangement, and the Labour Unionist agitator, whoso interest lies in keeping the fire of strife perpetually burning. If the pernicious elements on both sides could bo got rid of, there would be good hope of establishing harmony on some permanent basis. ~

The Bottle Lake Bungle. It is several weeks since wo first drew attention to tho unsatisfactory state of affairs at the Bottle Lake Hospital, and the failure of the Health Department to cope with the scarlet fever epidemic in Christehurch and the neighbourhood. We were at that time that steps were being taken to provide further accommodation at Bottle Lake, and that tho condition of affairs, which it was admitted had not been altogether satisfactory, was rapidly being improved, and soon there would bo no ground for complaint. It is evident, however.

from what has happened dtiring the last few days, that these promises have not been realised. It is clear that Bottle Lake is still overcrowded, and tho doctor and nurses arc making heroic attempts to cope with the difficulties of the situation, but aro greatly handicapped by the absence of proper'accommodation for the patients, and still mors by the fact that the staff is entirely inadequate and shamefully overworked. Meanwhile the epidemic, which has been raging for months, and ought to have been stamped out long ago, if energetic action had been taken, is still far too prevalent.

To crown all, tho Minister for Public Health now states in an interview with a contemporary that the complaints mado should be addressed to tho Hospital Board, and the Department has no responsibility in the matter. We altogether demnr to this vew. It is true that the Department, with the object of shifting the burden of expense on to tho local authority, made tho Hospital Board the Board of Public Health, hut it still has its officer hero in tho shape of the local medical Officer of Health, and we cannot agree that if tho Hospital Board fails to discharge its duty the Department can simply

shrug its shoulders and wash its hands of tho wholo affair. Ono of tho principal objects of having a central department, with a body of experts, is to keep the local bodies up to the mark, and see that they act on the right lines. The fact that the Government pays a subsidy to the Hospital Board entitles it to make very strong'.representations to that body, if it is found failing in its duty. The pubiic looks to the Health Department fo.- vigilanco and activity in the prevention of disease, and hitherto it has looked in vain. It i 3 not satisfied that tho local Medical Officer of Health should be chiefly occupied in collecting and tabulating statistics regarding cases of disease as they occur, but that ho should bo ever on the alert, to prevent epidemics, or if this is impossible, to eheck them at the outset. It was not until Bottle Lake -was already overcrowded. that a simple warning was issuod to the "public regarding thfc danger of noglecting slight cases of the disease, and -when tho epidemic had got altogether out of hand it was disoovercd that the Health Inspectors wcro not oven provided with printed instructions as to tho precautions to be taken to isolate tho patients who -were being treated in their own homes. Wo cannot help again expressing the opinion that the manner in which this epidemic was allowed to grow is a grave reflection on tho Health Department's methods.

• Tho local. Hospital Board, in our judgment, aro equally to blame. Tho, " Bottle Lake Bungle" is simply a monument of local inoompetcnco, showing tho mistakes which may be mado by an clected body which faile to avail itself of the best expert, advice, where such advice is particularly needed. The Bottle Lako Hospital had its origin in a smallpox scare —or a bubonic plaguo scare, we forget which —when a few huts or tents were put up for the iso-. lation of possible patients. Since then thousands of pounds must have been wasted in providing an infectious diseases hospital, put together piecemeal, on out-of-date lines, on an utterly unsuitable site. The difficulties and expense of administration in such an isolated spot aro obvious, and we say candidly ths results are so unsatisfactory that parents will not allow their children to go there if they can possibly help it. Iho matter of dealing with, infectious diseases in this district reflects discredit on the Department and on the Board. Tho only persons who como out of the discussion with honour j aro tho members of the staff who have so splendidly stuck to their work in spite of every discouragement..

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19161118.2.44

Bibliographic details

Press, Volume LII, Issue 15751, 18 November 1916, Page 8

Word Count
1,861

The Press. Saturday, November 18. 1916. Labour and Democracy. Press, Volume LII, Issue 15751, 18 November 1916, Page 8

The Press. Saturday, November 18. 1916. Labour and Democracy. Press, Volume LII, Issue 15751, 18 November 1916, Page 8