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Press, Volume LII, Issue 15657, 1 August 1916, Page 6

Two years ago to-day—namely, at 10 minutes past 7 in the evening, on August Ist, 1914 —Germany's declaration of war was forwarded to Russia. The order for the mobilisation of the German Army and Fleet had been signed two hours previously, but tho preliminary steps had been taken on the previous day. The French Army was mobilised on August Ist, the French frontiers being already threatened by German troops. ■—■»— It was on the following day —August 2nd (a Sunday) —that, while there was still anxiety as to the action the British Cabinet would take, and some terror lest it might make a dishonourablo peace, tho Opposition leaders sent a letter to Mr Asquith offering to tho Government their unqualified support in any measure Cliey might take. for the support of tho Allied cause. When the House met next day, Sir Edward Grey mado his momorable speech, and orders were issued for the mobilisation of the British Army and Navy. ♦ The question has often been discussed as to whether, if the British Government, at an earlier stage, had stated unequivocally that England would figat f)y the side of Franco, Germany would have drawn back. On this point tho opinion of Baron JJeyens, the Belgian Minister to Berlin, during the crisis of 1914, is of especial intorest and value. In a book which he has just written, entitled "Germany Before the "War," he says there is no gainsaying the fact that uncertainly as to Britain's intervention was one of tho factors that encouraged Germany. If, at the Beginning, she had openly taken her stand by the side of her Allies, she might have checked the fatal march of events. It is doubtful, however, whether, while Sir Edward Grey was striving so earnestly for peacc, it was not too late to attempt anything more in the way of menace than the hint he gavo to Prince Lichnowsky that it was possible Britain might not stand aside. Baron Beyens remarks: —

In my opinion, an outspoken threat from England 011 the 2v)th, a sudden roar of the British lion, would not have mado William 11. draw back. The memory of Agadir s*-.* rankled in tho proud Germanic soul. The Emperor would have risked losing all prestige in the eyes of a certain element among his subjects if, at the bidding of the Anglo-Saxon he had refused to go further and had thus played into the hands °f those who charged him with constructing a policy of mere bluff and intimidation. 'Germany barks, but does not bite." was a currcnt saying abroad, and this naturally tended to exasperate her. An ominous warning from the lips of Sir Edward Grey would onlv havo served to precipitate the rapid and decisive campaign in order that tho intervention of 'he Uritish Fleet might have no influence on the rc'ilt of the campaign, planned at Berlin."

The session, it is understood, is to end this -week, and a number of members desire that one of the few remaining days shall be spent in discussing "the cost of living." Such a discussion will be fruitless, of coursc; nobody knows better than the members referred to that no legislative measure will bring prices down. This at any rate is the only possible inference from their obstinate unwillingness to make any suggestion on the subject. If the Government knew of any method of making everything cheaper—any genuine method, that is to say—they would apply it without any delay. The Prime Minister and Sir Joseph Ward have both declared that nothing effective can bo done in the matter, and nobody has been able to contradict them. Why, then, should they waste a day in what they know and everyone else knows will be idle talk? The "friends of the people" merely desire to have a day set apart for them to pose as the baffled humanitarians, ready to talk to. the last in the service of the harassed voter. Really, we think that the country cannot afford to waste money on the luxury of setting an electioneering stage for the Wittvs of our politics.

If there is a day to spare, it ought assuredly to bo given up, as we suggested some time ago, and as some of our contemporaries have rather tardily come to agree, to a discussion of the resolutions of the Paris Conference. If and when Mr Massey and Sir Joseph Ward go Home, they can with some confidence declare their conviction that the Parliament and people of New Zealand desire to fall into line with Britain, in taking strong measures to keep the Germans in their place. But it is the duty of the Government to ask

Parliament at least to pass a resolution agreeing to the Paris policy. "When our representatives go Home, what reply can they or can we make to the question as to why the New Zealand Parliament ignored the Paris proposals altogether ? This embarrassing and possibly injurious question will probably be asked in one form or another, and by people whose interests are not in the direction of friendliness to the Empire. Nobody—friend or foe —should be left in the position of being able to ask it. The New Zealand public desires, also, that Parliament should r.ot rise without affirming the principle of the boycott which is said to have appeared to Lord Kitchener to be a desirable policy. Everyone would far rather that Mr Massey and Sir Joseph Ward, instead of giving their personal assurances as to New Zealand's attitude, should bo able to quote in Great Britain some actual affirmations by the New Zealand Parliament.