Trade After the War.

Press, Volume LII, Issue 15486, 13 January 1916, Page 6

Trade After the War.

Throughout tho Empire there will bo deep satisfaction at the endorsement by tho House of Commons of the principle of Mr Hewins's motion proposing the economic co-operation of the Allies against the enemy. The actual proposal was an immediate conference with the Dominions on this subject, with tho purpose, as Mr He wins said, of shortening the war and injuring Germany's economic position as much as possible. The House appears, however, not to have concerned itself so much with tho actual proposal as "with the principle behind it, and so far x as Germany is concerned, the effect of the debate will bo almost as great as if a conference of the Governments of Great 1 Britain, tho Dominions, and the Allies had been decided upon. It is, perhaps, not generally realised that tho supporters of Ffeetrade aro still passionately convinced of tho vital importance of tho Freetrado principle. When Mr McKenna proposed to, introduce taxes with the express • object of interfering ! with Freetrado in tho direction of curtailing imports, the absolute Freetraders opposed him very strongly indeed. Even for a good temporary end they were unwilling to see a Protectionist hand laid upon the traditional policy of Britain. In tho debate on Mr Hewins's motion the extreme Freetrade view was advanced. "No amount " of legislation, tariff jugglery, and "treaties," said Sir .Albert Mond, would deprive the Germans of the advantages of their encouragoment of , scientific and technical knowledge. Last month the "Westminster Gazette," in criticising tho proposal that Britain should go in for an economic barbedwire entanglement of Tariffs and Zollvereins against tho enomy, declared that Protection in any shape should i>o avoided. "Let us bear in mind," it said, "that whatever tho motive may i " be, and whatever names wq may uso '• about it, the economic results will " remain the same"—would> that is to say, be economically injurious to ! Britain. It is therefore very significant that Mr Runciman, speaking as a Freetrader on behalf of a Government headed by a. Freetrado Prime Minister, should have been go emphatic, in speaking to a House in which a majority aro Freetraders, upon the necessity of abandoning the strict policy of Freetrade for a very important purpose. Tho possibility of Freetrado within the Empiro ho dismissed, of course, with rogret, as a thing forbidden by the policies of the Dominions, but ho took a favourable view of the Zollvcrein idea, and ho went as far as anyone could desire of a Freetrader in enunciating the policy to be followed. He spoko not only of persuading the enemy of tho fruitlessness of continuing his struggles, but of tho necessity for seeing that Germany, after the war, shall not be able to raise her head again. This is a good deal for a Freetrader to say, and when we read it in conjunction with the statements of other Freetraders, wo may conclude that the importance of socuring the Empire and Europe against tho menace of a restored and vengeful Germany will reconcile Freetraders to tho disadvantages of Tariffs and Zollvereins of tho kind contemplated. Lord Haldano, in a speech a few weeks ago. mado an observation \ipon the suggestions of peace which has some significance, coming from him. The German nation, he said, is managed by a set of men who would take advantage of a pcacc proposal "in order to leap again later on." " We do not intend," ho said, "to have "any leaping later on," But Germany cannot bo made innocuous by political and military arrangements alone. Her strength, and many of her ways of waging this war, have been derived from the growth of her trado and the facilities given to her by the nations she is now fighting. If her trade is struck I

and tied down we shall not have to worry about her war-lords in the future. She could have as many warlords as she pleased, and any policy she pleased, but she would bo without tho strength necessary for another adventuro against the world.