The Bargain.

Press, Volume L, Issue 15138, 30 November 1914, Page 6

The Bargain.

In the course' of his Auckland speech the Leader of. the Opposition mado a statement, of which the significance is likely to bo overlooked. As in his other speeches ho concluded by reading out the list of proposals which ho calls his policy, but there was this time a notable addition to the list. This was. " the removal from the Statute Books " of legislation which enables the ex- " istonco of a .system of bogus unions." This plank was not in the "platform" announced in his earlier speeches, and we may take it that its inclusion is the result of his communications, during his tour, with the Red Fed. and Social Democratic politicians with whom' ho has been arranging his political affairs. If, as is reported to be likely, Sir Joseph speaks in Christchurch, wo shall give him an opportunity to see tho questions which his new "plank" obliges him to answer. In the meantime it will he sufficient to deal briefly with the significance of his sudden concern for tho removal of the legislation which he say s enables tho formation of "bogus unions." During and after the strike the Red Feds, boldly claimed that in any district, in respect of any trade in which there was a union affiliated to the Rod Federation, it should be made impossiblo for any body of working men to form a. new union. The principle upon which this demand was based was the principle that if Red Fed. workers in any such industry decide to refuse to work, no other men should be permitted to work. The strike resulted in the formation of new unions, and these unions were formed under the law as it- had been left by the Ward Administration. That law did not confer on the Rod Federation the right to prevent the carrying on of any industry which the Federation j-wjshed not to be carried on. Nobody but a Red Fed. will deny that in rei specfc of that omission the law was merely in agreement with one of tho most elementary principles of freedom. Had the Red Fed case been put to Sir Joseph Ward when Mr Millar was carrying through tho amended Act, he would, there cannot be the least doubt. _hayc ioxliguantly denounced the Red

Fed claim as monstrous, unless,, as might have happened, he refused even to notice such an astounding demand. But times have changed. The law on the point is as good as ever,-but because it is disagreeable to the people with whom a strange stroke of Fate has forced him into alliance, he is a* red as any Red Fed in demanding an amendment. As we havo said, we shail have another opportunity of discussing the subject- in greater detail later on. But just now what requires io he noted is that the compact between the Ward and Semple parties is already beginning to press upon the "Liberal" leader. He will perhaps not be asked io commit himself to much more of the Red Fed policy. Apparently the Red Feds are meroly asking him to make a deposit, as it were—to givo earnest of his willingness to accept such orders as his new masters may find it necessary to give him. That is the significance of his reference to "bogus unions."

Wo know Dr. Thacker'- fondness for political advertisement and his ingenuity in securing Mich publicity, and we quite realise that his •■demonstration in the Square on Saturday night is not to bo taken too seriously. Ho ought, however, to havo explained what Government could have done more than has been done by the Massey Government to safeguard the public against a dear loaf. No Government, even the most democratic, has taken .such vigorous steps in this direction in modern times either in yew Zealand or elsewhere. At the beginning of the war, Mr Massey, foreseeing a shortage ol wheat, urged the farmers to sow all they could, bath for their own benefit and that of the country. Then, finding a shortage already existed, ho got a Royal Commission appointed, and in accordance with its recommendations, a proclamation was issued fixing the maximum price at which wheat and flour might, bo legally sold. The difficulty, of course, is that while Government may prohibit tlie sale of wheat, at more than a certain price, it cannot compel holders of wheat, to sell it if they prefer to hold on to it. Some people think that medical fees are too high, especially for operations. Parliament might fix a scale of fees and mako it illegal for doctors to charge more. But Parliament cannot compel a doctor to operate on a patient if he declines to do so. Mr Massey, however, did not confine himself to legislation aud the issue of proclamations. Ho took energetic steps to import, wheat from elsewher© which trill bo cold by the Government at a certain prico to millers, who will undertake to charge only a fair profit on tho resultant flour. That is tho only way in which prices can be effectually , regulated, and we have no doubt that i tho Government importations will have ; a steadying effect. No previous Govern- [ ment has ever showed such solicitude to keep tho price of bread from rising to an exorbitant figure, and many peoplo are ready to blame Mr Massey for having gone too far in this direction. We are loath to tako any notice of tho advertisements -which the prohibitionists and anti-prohibitionists are inserting in our columns, although thero is much being printed on both sides which -fl. cannot approve. We- would, however, respectfully suggest to our prohibitionist friends that in an advertisement which they published on Saturday they are not quite playing tho game. We havo always understood that tho Alliance does not connect itself with any particular party in politics. In the advertisement in question, ■which 13 strongly rominiscont of somo of the speeches made by the lato member for Christchurch North, the -writer assumes that those whom he styles tho "Liquor Lords/ and tho "New Zealand Beer Kings" are "Tories" in politics. That may be so. but it is a notorious fact that the majority of the brewers in New Zealand belong to the political party of which Mr L. 31. Isitt is such a devoted supporter. If any-proof is required for this statement, it is to be found in the list of shareholders in the "New Zealand Times," tho leading Wardite organ, which Mr Fisher recently read in Par- I liament. These include: —Mr H. Gilmer,. 2367 shares; Moss Davis (brewer, Auckland), 1000; another Moss Davis I (brewer, Auckland), 3000; Criterion Hotel, Napier, 300; White Swan Brewery, Napier (which Mr Fisher said was another name for Mr J. Vigor ! Brown, M.P.), 500; Mr J. Vigor Brown (Napier), 2000; tho Hon. Charles Louisson, 1295. Those "Beer Kings" have thus given the most practical proof of their adherence to tho political party to which Mr Isitt is pledged body and soul. He is so devoted to it in fact, that he went out of his own electorate, to opj>ose a supporter of tho bare majority, simply because the latter was a Reform candidate. Would it not bo more honest for Mr Isitt to admit at one© that with him it is now politics first, and prohibition nowhere? Our Wellington correspondent, in a telegram we printed on Saturday,.said that the "New Zealand Times" made "a very feeble" reply to the Prime Minister's challenge in connexion with the Waiuku railway. This turns out to be an entirely adequate way of describing our contemporary's article. Almost every day, during the whole timo Air Massey was in the South, the "Times" printed a leading article over a column in length, abusing Mr Massey in the coarsest manner, and making the mo6t outrageous insinuations of j fraud and chicanery on the Prime Mm- \ ister's part. At Lower Hurt on Thurs- | day night Air Massey, wno had already stated tho facte several times fully and satisfactorily, challenged the "New Zealand Tim—" to say outright what it had been seeking to suggest by insinuation. The Opposition journal replied with a small paragraph of three inches, in which it (1) denied that the "allegations'' were mado by itself, and (2) blamed Mr Massey for "preferring to make his explanation in Wellington rather than in the place where the allegations were made." It added a few words describing Mr 3iass_y's indignant repudiation of the charge as "vulgar abuse." Of course, it declined to accept the challenge, but it also refrained from repeating its insinuations. Perhaps the journalistic aspect of this deplorable performance by the "New Zealand Times" will not much * interest the public. We think we can

assure the public, however, that every decent journalist on both sides in politics will regard the conduct of the "New Zealand Times" in this matter as a discredit to New Zealand journalism. What should, and what will, interest the public, is the fact that the newspaper case against tho Government is from top to bottom the case of the "New Zealand Times." 31inisters. apparently, may be abused and attacked in tho most outrageous fashion, without being afforded an opportunity to call their accusers to account, and without any apology or retractation being made when their accusers are proved to be either innocently mistaken or maliciously uncandid. After the Prime 3linister's cle. r statements on the matter under notice, and the cowardly retreat" of his accusers when challenged to come into the open, any further insinuation against -Mr 3lassey will brand the politician or newspaper making it as dishonourable.

That Disraeli foresaw or had apprehensions of the German naval menace is. we believe, not news, bin tho passages on the ,subject in the third volume of his "Life." extracts from which appear in our cable news to-day. doubtlass contain new and highly interesting matter. Disraeli's view of Germany's designs on the Danish provinces show him to havo been a man of rare insi-'dit. for nothing was further from "the thoughts of Englishmen then and for many years afterwards, than that Germany aspired to bo a great naval Power. Tho first steps towards a German Navy were joked about in England. As hue as 1890. Lord Salisbury, who had graduated in foreign affairs under Disraeli, and .succeeded him in the leadership of the Conservative Party, saw no harm in giving Heligoland to Germain- \ distinguished British Admiral, on hearing of the transaction, expressed stron-' disapproval, but comforted himself with the- reflection that if war broke out with Germany Britain's first step would be to take the island back again. It was not until ten or twelve years later that Englishmen began to realise what a menace to the Empire was being developed across the North Sea. Future generations will wonder why the British were blind for so long, but it is just as easy to be wise after the event in national affairs a.s in personal, and tho temptation to indulge in such wisdom is greater. President Wilson's'timorous protest against bombardment, of unfortified towns from tho air will only confirm tho opinion that he has failed to realise his country's responsibilities in the greatest crisis in the world's history. It is somewhat reminiscent of the dreadful threat of the Rev. Robert Spalding, who declared that if tho infuriated Anglo-Indian went on bullying him lie would really become very seriously anuoyod. The protest, which Mr Wilson does not even make officially, will have about as much effect on Germany as a pea-shooter on an infuriated tiger. Germany has been contemptuously punching holes in international morality in general, and tho Hague Convention in particular, einco the war began, and to single out one offence, and that not the worst, at this stage, is a futilo proceding. Tho invasion of Belgium was an infamous broach of treaty obligations. Tho shooting of Belgian civilians who resisted was, in view of Belgian neutrality, tho clearosfc possible breach of tho Hague Convention, and so was the wanton destruction of Belgian towns, and tho levying of fines. But thero is no need to make tho list longer.