SANE IMPERIALISM.

Press, Volume LXIV, Issue 136099, 25 April 1908, Page 4

SANE IMPERIALISM.

LORD ROSEBERY ON THE TERRORS OF SOCIALISM.

HOUSE OF IX)RDS A aiFEGUAKD,

(fbom oitr ows correspondent.) LONDON, Jla-rch 13. A remarkable speech was delivered by Lord Ilosebery, as Present of the Liberal League, to a meeting of ite members held yertorday afternoon. The gathering vas a large one, amd included ebout forty M.P.'e, while there were some distinguished listeners who belong neither to the League nor to the Liberal Party. Lord ltcscbe-ry outlined a new programme ac follows:—Anti-SociaJism, Sane Imperialism, Free Trade, No Irish Parliament, Reformed and Efficient Second Chamber. Ho said he was for friendly relations not with one of the Great Powers of Europe, but with all of them, and that should bo tine principle of British foreign policy. This did not do away with the necessity for the maintenance of our vast superiority at eea, &nd constant vigilance with regard to our armaments on land, if wo allowed our armaments to sink below a certain level we should be subject to panics unworthy of a groat nation, and da-ngorous to the very heart of the Empire. It- w»s jieceseai-y, Lord Rosebery forcefully maintained, to hold (high the flag of saJie Imperialism, and keep it pure and unalloyed from that lmipetrialasin which had protection as its basis, and vhidh said protection was tlw> surest guarantee of the Empire. But if it came to a ohoio© between Socialism, and protection, he would prefer protection. Socialism was the end of tho Empire and of religious faith. "I. for one," said Lard Rosebery, "shall "never consent, except under pressure of overwhelming necessity, to a new and more universal tariff springing from the centre of the Empire itself, Tvfhjch would have tho groat dasadvantage, if .not peril, of making every nation whoso interest it now is to Txreservo our Free Trad© Empire— nialco it the interest of every nation to destroy and break up, that Empire when it erected a (rampart of tariffs against them. "But Socialism," exclaimed the speaker with increasing emphasis, "is the end of all—of Empire, of faith, religkyue faith, freedom, property. Socialism ie the death-blow to all I It is for that reason, when I recall to you what a death-blow Socialism is to religion, to the Empire, to liberty, and tc 2>roperty, that I did oread with. pained surprise the protest on behalf of Socialism signed by 100 ministers of religion, who seemed imperfectly to comprehend t(ho doctrinee they have advocated,. but lend their honoured names to a system •which I will not now charaotorise. With regard to that phantom of evil to whicih I have alluded—perhaps the word phantom is not well chosen, because it is a reality —wo had some motaW© elections- in, 1907. Wo had the Liberal and the Conservative fighting at each, throats for their own causes. 'Free Trade and no Second Chamber' on on© banner, 'Protection and the House of Lords' on the other. They were at dose gnips with each other, striving wi-tih each other for the ihtiske, and letting the Socialists slip away with tho kernel, which was the 6eat. Ido not know any spectacle which struck nno as so ludicrous, and at the same time so tragical. The Liberal Party was figjhiting for Free Trade and no Second Chamber. No Second Chamber! Just at the moment when a Second Chamber is most necessary! "Social reform is a great thing, and our Imperialism is mixed up with social reform, because we believe in making an Imperial nation worthy of its destinies from every point of view. But social reform is of very little 'use unless it has protection from without. It is of no use converting Great Britain into a very Garden of Eden if your fence lets in the wolves that will ravage it. You may have' the best vineyard in the world, but ac long as it is unprotected it is apt to bo very useless to yourself and to others. I cay there are considerations and I woufld bog our legislators to reflect on these consi derations, which might drive us even from Free Trade. One is the enormous pressure—and the possibly increasing pressure—of direct taxation, which might make the nation seek some relief from an intolerable burden in shifting some of that burden on to another source of supply. A second oause that might occur is this: That in the race for armaments the cost of armaments might become so excessive, the necessity for a vast expenditure might be so sudden, that it might bo a necessary thing for Imperial reasons to drop trie doctrine of Free Trade.

"I trust in God wo shall never be -driven to the formidable "ption between Protection and Sooialiemi. And if it oomes to a choice betw en Socialism and Protection, I, for one, have no hesitation—disagreeable s«s tho oourso would be—l have no hesit«tt : on in preferring Protection,. If .Socialism were to dominate our community, the Liberal party must be aware that it would inevitably disappear. Consideiring the menace of Socialism whi Ai was reared in this country last yecr, and ie prepared to roar iteelf on every occasion again, it strikes mc as an amazing policy that any Government should have embarked at tho present timo on abolishing the only barrier ibetween the people that remained. I frankly admit with regard to the Government plan, I myself was prepaired to proceed by resolution in the year 1894 and in tiva year 1895. A great deal has passed since that time. In the first place 13 years have passed, and 13 not uneventful years. Socond, w© discovered uy tli© general election of 1895, under which issue wo intended to proceed by resolution, the House of Lords was right and the Houso of Commons was Wrong in interpreting the wkihes of t>he country. Third, there ie the active menace of Socialism in; our midst, which makes mc most reluctant to remove tine last feeble barrier between the will of the hastily-elected House of Commons and its execution.

"There is a coming time, and in my judgment it is imminent, nay it may have already come, when people will have the choice between Socialism or ant.i-SocMjilism, or Socialism or sptojSocKilism and Protection, on tho other hand. I look to the present Government as our bulwark against Socialism. But Governments are not oternal, cad we have to look beyond tho ox'stcneo of tfoie Government to the pcri-ious future whon the Socialist or eemiSooialist wing of the Liberal party may capture its destinies, or Protection may prevail. It is then tlhat the value of the LiberaJ League wi.ll be seen, and it is for that conitingi&ncy thet it should bo organised. For mc there is only to-day or to-morrow, but Hie time may come, sooner than you think, when a3l tho foroes t'hait oppose Socialism and oppose Protection may have to gjather tope'tiher to nwiko their voice heard and tJieir will felt. We cannot too carefully strengthen and reorganiss such forcce as we have already in liand, and I ask you to raJlv to the programme which I have given you. Sntne ImperiaJism, FV«e Trade. hcerMtality to pin Irfeih Parliament, hoetility to Socialism., and a reformed and efficient Second GhamSer."