The Press. THURSDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1901. LORD ROSEBERY'S SPEECH.

Press, Volume LVIII, Issue 11152, 19 December 1901, Page 4

The Press. THURSDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1901. LORD ROSEBERY'S SPEECH.

In 'his latest speech, which, has been looked forward to with deep interest throughout the Empire, Lord Rosebery has gone over much of the ground he covered in his famous utterances to the City Liberal dub five months ago. It was expected that he would declare his position, but ac seen from the cabled report of his speech it is still largely that of a dispassionate candid critic of tha party which he once led. He has reiterated his later warning that a Liberal policy, in which.Home Rule has any place, is hopeless. He is as Imperialistic as ever, and as emphatic in denouncing the attitude of a section of the Liberal party towards the war, In July he told the Liberals that their attitude on Imperial questions "which are at this moment embodied in the war," was "neutrality and an open mind," "which, in his opinion, spelt Liberal impotence. Has Lord Roeebery varied the statement of hie position? In July he emphasised his severance from the party. "For tl» present, at any rate," he said, "I must plough my furrow alone ....

"bat before I get to the end of that furrow "it w possible that I may find myself not alone." Now he asserts that lie is "at the " disposal of the country." Is this to be taken as meaning that if he is invited be will come forward as the loader of the Liberal party? It bean such an interpretation, but We do not think the speaker intended it to be taken «o literally, at least not at present. On this point it Iβ of inter*** to refer to an open letter addressed to Lord Rosebery by a contributor to the "National Review," who signs himself "Calchas." This writer takes the ex-Prime Minister to task for bis attitude, and wamt him that whereas it appeared not so- long ago that henceforward only two men would count in public life—himself and Mr Chamberlain—there is now doubt as to whether <Mr Chamberlain alone is to count. His destiny had reached its crisis. Action, not independent criticism, was wanted from him. "What England expects from you," says "Calchas, "is tfafcfc you should aden"tify yourself with one party or the " other, or clearly explain by what process " and upon what programme the formation "of a, third can be regarded as feasible. " The country wiH rejoice to ccc you en- " gaged* in the actual work of ploughing "a furrow. What it desires to know is "wfhat ground your farrow ia to break, " what separate and leading question is " to be the coulter of your programme, and "whether yon tihink it possible to start " driving any furrow in politics before you "tekve yoked yonr team." By his deliver, ance to the City Liberal dub he » accused of dispersing his adherents—what, then, was to be his future port? The dream of a great middle party waa in the minds of many. "The natural impulse wae to " think of combining the best men of the " party in power, with thte one indispensable "man among the party in the sulks, in " order to make a great Executive Ministry "which would devote itself with 'heroic " vigour to the work of placing the Em- " pire on a business footing." But that dream disappeared when, at the recent Blenheim gathering, Mr. Chamberlain, without whom the tstablibianent of a middle party was impossible, stood up by Mr. Balfour and flouted the idea of such an organisation. In any case, with Mr. Chamberlain in such a party, it would be Liberal Unionist and , nothing else, end the Liberals, per se, would be as they are to-day. "Oalchlae" himself dismissed the thought as ridiculous. "Liberalism or nothing"—that, he tells Lord Roseberv, is the key of his destiny. The leadership of the Opposition, with the declaration that he was committed to the restoration to power of his old party by an Imperialist progressive programme—"t!hat. is the only ! adequate role now open to you in this Empire." ;

lt is probable that this letter—at once a challertge and aa appeal—helped to increase the general curiosity as to how Lord Rosebery Trould declare himself. His speech muse faave created deep disappointment among the Liberal Imperialists, for if one thing is more dear than another, it

is that, despite his assertion that he is at the disposal of the country, he has no present intention of knitting discordant sections of tife Liberal party into one great body. To do so, which is •wiafc "Calchas"

urges upon bin, wonkJ be the policy of a really bold and aggressive politician, but Lord Rosebery is ix>fc that. He is an opportunist, and is not disposed to put himself at the bead of any party until he considers the time is ripe. It is equally apparent that hte does not. mean to throw in 'his lot with the Government, but. aithoagh he condemns them he will do nothing to embarrass them while the war is going on. It is refreshing, as usual, to read Lord Rosebery's high Imperial pronouncement. Hβ has, as "Cakbas" tndy **y> given nobler language to tie Imperial idea than amy statesman, of ids time. His denunciations of the cowardly criticisms that iia,vo been fouxled a-t the military authorities and the eoldiers should have made the ears of some prominent Liberals burn. Lord Rosebery's statement that after the war there should be a dissolution is significant. There will, in any case, probably be a revulsion of feeling then; the nation, sick of war, will turn its thoughts to questions of social reform, and will cry for a change. This, at least, is th'a belief of many who profess to read the political planets, and this is evidently in Lord Roaebary's thoughts. Suoh a swing of the pendulum might give him his opportunity, and , for that opportunity he will wait. Hβ does not mind the conflict of a stricken field, but ihe <h!as no stomach for leading a forlorn 'hope.