The Press. SATURDAY, MAY 21, 1898. THE FAILURE OF MODERN REPUBLICS.

Press, Volume LV, Issue 10042, 21 May 1898, Page 6

The Press. SATURDAY, MAY 21, 1898. THE FAILURE OF MODERN REPUBLICS.

Republics are now almost as numerous as Monarchies. There are but; two, however, that loom large in the world's eye, France and the United States. No one would contend that the Republics of South and Central America have any advantage over respectable Monarchies; They are notoriously among the worst governed portions of the earth. Neither would any but the followers of Oom Paul contend that the South African Republic has anything to teach mankind in.the matters of liberty, equality and justice. But there are not wanting those who imagine that France and the United States have attained a form of Government pregnant with potentialities of good unknown to Monarchies. Eecent history has seriously discounted that belief. Mr. Stead's trenchant exposure of Tammany— more than onca referred to in these columns—shows in lurid colours the hopeless bondage of the second city of the world to its most sordid and criminal glass. Every office is in the market. Every official makes his office pay by a tax upon vice and crime for their protection. The policeman, the inspector, the magistrate, the judge, the city magnates and a host of pimps, called politicians, share in the spoil. A decent woman keeping a shop may be required to pay toll for protection as a keeper of a disorderly house. She may resist and be arrested. She has no opportunity of defence. If she does secure counsel and witnesses they are threatened, beaten or bribed by the police bullies. False witnesses swear away her character and she goes to prison. Her children are taken to some public refuge, and on he? release she cannot discover thei* whereabouts. The whole maohipery devised for her protection is directed to oppress, thwart, and ruin her. But a gang of forgers who pass their forged notes upon Simple country gulls are elaborately protected for a monthly tribute. "When the victim complains he is threatened with arrest for having forged notes in his possession, and is hustled out of the city. The forgers get timely warning when the department, for form's sake, makes a raid, and in a few hours their business is going on safely elgewhew, Contrast this state of things with the Government of London. That great city recently bad a eca.nda.l. Certain officials were found to have transferred the balances from undertakings carried out for less than the estimates to those which had cost more. The officials had not appropriated a penny, but their conduct constituted a very grave pffesee against the English sense of honour and right. But in America the prostitution of the whole civic machinery to the protection of vice and the oppression of those who seek law and justice, cannot rouse the public. They are paralysed by hopelessness. They live under a cast-iron constitution, which ifcjgajmosb. impossible to modify at less cost than civil war. The British ognstitutipn, on the other hand, is sensitive Jio- ,, the popular will) and is G^UA^ajily

" broadening down from precedent to precedent." Much might also be said of tho extreme excitability of the American populace, the want of courtesy and dignity in dealing with foreign powers, and the amazing lengths to which inflammatory journalism is carried. But the contrast between these things and the quiet dignity and self-restraint of the British Government, people and press is obvious to every eye. When wo turn to France we see an instability almost equal to that of a South American Republic. Who can keep pace with the changes in the French Ministry? If we may judge from the Panama and other scandals corruption is as rife in Franco as in America. If we may judge from the Zola trial fair play and justice are more difficult to obtain in France than even in New York. The same celobrated trial also shows the French republic is practically a niilifcavy ! despotism —with the people acquiescing. Officers were allowed to browj beat witnesses and counsel, and | threaten the jury with wholesale resignation if they did not iiud Zola , guilty. " The army for ever," was the j cry of the raob, while those who shouted for tho Republic were jostled j and buffeted. Here is disenchantI ment 1 Liberty, equality, and fraternity arc all forgotten, or proved Ito be mere words, while tho representatives of the power of the sword ' are, the popular idols. j The explanation of this universal rottenness and failure of republics is not far to seek. A monarchy, like the United Kingdom, while it confers all I the advantages promised by republics has a royal house and a nobility I among whom there is a loity sense of I honour. The occasional black sheep among them is doubly black because of his rarity. A fierce light beats upon them, and honour is dearer than life. These give tone to every department of State. Every ambitious man knows that clean hands are the condition of his advance in the favour of those who can promote hira. A fountain of honour which is itself above suspicion compels honour in all aspirants. This high influence reacts upon that other source of power, the popular vote. The people are proud |of the traditions of their nation, they have learned to value honest men, , and have not been demoralised by j bribes. ' In a republic there is a source of power, but not nocessarily a fountain of honour. Power, therefore, becomes the chief object of ambitiou, and honour may be sold to obtain it. This distinction lies at tho foundation of the sins and sorrows characteristic of republics, and is the sufficient vindication of the system which maintains an hereditary figurehead to the State.