The Press. MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1879.

Press, Volume XXXI, Issue 4205, 20 January 1879, Page 2

The Press. MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1879.

We aro constantly .eceiving telegraphic news from South Africa relating to annexations of territory _and to wars or rumors of wars with Kaffirs. "With regard to the former, it is certainly not safe to do more than hazard the vaguest conjecture as to the amount of country which the English -rovernment is likely to annex before affairs settle down into a permanent condition; while, with regard to the wars and rumors of wars, the ordinary reader finds it no easy matter to ascertain against whom it is that 'hostilities are being, or are about to be, directed; so wide is the field and so numerous are the Kaffir nations or" tribes to be operated against. If a Kaffir is asked what are the boundaries of the recently annexed Transvaal, he answers by waving his hand vaguely in the air, thus denoting illimitable space. Apparently the Colonial Secretary might with justice, if asked what was likely to be the future boundaries of the British possessions in South Africa, also answer with a vague wave of his official pen. For as apparently annexations of larger or smaller pieces of territory take place about once a month, it is difficult to see where the *"*extreme limit lies. Possibly that limit may be the one reached by Alexander the Great, when he wept that there was nothing further to conquer. For it looks as if the aim of the politicians interested in South Africa was the final subjugation of all the aborigines and the formation of British Colonies, to be ultimately welded into a great South African confederation. As hitherto the average cost to the British Government, of each Kaffir outbreak, has been about three millions, a good deal of money will be spent before this consummation is arrived at. Probably, too, a considerable number of official consciences will require to be more or less stretched in the process of annexation. But are not official consciences made to be stretched, and is it not the mission of England to civilize aborigines, if not by the suaviter in modo then by the fortiter in re ? To stato the case broadly, the principal disturbed districts are four in number, namely, Caffraria, Pondoland, Zululand, i | and the Transvaal. Let us take the southernmost first and work northwards. Travelling from Cape Colony along the sea coast into Natal, one would have to ■ pass through Caffraria proper t which is divided from British Caffraria (a province of Cape Colony) by the Great Kei river. It is in the neighborhood of this river that certain disaffected natives still give trouble, although their efforts are but the expiring embers of the struggle which was put an end to several months ago by the defeat of the Gaika and Galeka tribes. Our readers will recollect this war, which ended in the death of Sandilii, the chief of the Gaikas (a tribe living in British territory), and the flight of Kreli, the chief of the Galekas (an independent tribe living north of the Great Kei River). Although, these tribes were utterly crushed and British power extended over the above river, into what had hitherto been independent country, yet we still occasionally hear of disturbances in these parts. Leaving behind us the Great Kei Biver and proceeding northwards through independent Caffraria we come, before reaching Natal, to the next seat of disturbance, namely, Pondoland, where the Pondo Chief, Umquikela, has been obliged to cede territory on the mouth of the St. John's River to the British Government. Further north again, having passed through Natal, we come to the third seat of disturbance, namely Zululand, au independent territory on the sea coast. It is to this spot that the attention of all is mainly directed. For not only is Cetewayo the most powerful chief in South Africa—being able to bring into the field at least 30,000 brave and well armed warriors—but his present and past relations with the English render the situation particularly interesting. In order to understand the Zulu question it will be necessary to look back some few years to the early history of Natal, from which Zululand is divided.by the river Tug-la. It was in 1824 that a few British settlers were first allowed by the natives to settle near Port NataL . The next arrivals were Dntch settlera, wlio, c__scont_nted with English rule in Cape Colony, moved o_i 0$ that Mmj ftn/I took up farwa ig

Natal. They had, of course, the usual misunderstanding with the Kaffirs, and j in 1838 a British force arrived and proceeded to put an end to the disturbances. ] This occupation, however, was not meant to be a permanent one, and the troops were soon withdrawn. The farmers then organised a Government, with Commandant Andries Preterms at its hoad. In 1840.this worthy proclaimed that he had seized, not only the territory which is now called Natal, bnt tho whole of Zululand proper, and ho proceeded to make raids on the Zulus. Tlie Government of Cape Colony, however, did not favor his pretensions, and a part of the 27th Regiment were sent to help the | Kaffirs. They were besieged by Pretorius in a camp close to Port Natal, but after being blockaded for a month, were relieved by the arrival of more English troops. Operations were then undertaken against the Dutch, who" finally gave in their submission in 1842. The Natal Government, now English, then mado a treaty with the Zulus, assigning to them that sea coast tract which is credited to them in maps of South 'Africa. Meanwhile, further inland two other Dutch settlements, namely, the Orange Free State and the Transvaal, had been formed, also by Dntch farmers dissatisfied with the state of affairs in Cape Colony. The northernmost of these two States had its eastern boundary only separated from Zululand by the Drackenberg range of mountains, and the Transvaal settlers were soon busy at their old trade of making raids into the Zulu territory, For the last thirty years the Zulus have been constantly complaining of the illegal acts committed by the Dutch. Not only had the latter taken possession of territory across the range, but had taxed the natives in such territory, and had more than once declared war against the Zulus. The natives had all along the passive support of the Natal Government, although Sir Theophilus Shepstone, the Secretary for Native Affairs in Natal, confined himself to advising them to abstain from active hostilities, and to await a peaceable solution of the question. But the other day the scene changed. On the ground that the Transvaal Republic was incapable of managing its own affairs, its territory was annexed by Great Britain, and apparently the quarrel between the Boers and Cetewayo was considered part of the bargain. Anyhow the Zulu chief, who, before the annexation had always been friendly to the English, then altered his attitude and became decidedly hostile. Several border fights, not perhaps sanctioned by him, took place, and a general struggle with the Zulu power was considered more than probable. On which side lay the right it is of course difficult to say without complete evidence, but it is at least strange that the Natal Government, which had always previously upheld Cetewayo, shonld, when it had in a manner succeeded to the claims of the Boers, suddenly find itself opposed to the Kaffir chief. As- far as can be seen, however, by latest telegrams, the question of boundary has been settled in favor of the Zulus, but on the other hand, the Government has asked Cetewayo to disarm, and disband his army, to cede to the English one o£ his sea ports, and to receive a resident at his court. We have dwelt at some length on the Zulu question, because it is by far the most important among those at present connected with South African native policy. There remains only to be noticed the disturbances which exist in the fourth district, namely the Transvaal itself. The British Government, in annexing this territory, not only took with it its quarrel with Cetewayo, as mentioned above, but had also to put an end to various disturbances existing in the interior of the country, notably the uprising of Kaffir tribes under Secocoeni. The Government has found this to be a harder matter than was anticipated, and it will be some time before the Transvaal will be permanently quieted. This is to be the more regretted because the only grounds on which the British annexed the country, was that the Boers were incapable of suppressing disturbances in their territories. If therefore we manage no better than they, the validity of our claim, would appear to be impaired. "We have given a hasty sketch of the existing state of affairs in South Africa. All the country outside of Cape Colony itself, along the eastern coast, appears to be in a state of ferment, and, doubtless,- a rapid change in the political history of these parts is taking place. The usual result, of the contact between white and coloured races is in the process of being worked out. It appears to be a law of Nature that the latter shonld either totally disappear before the former, or come under their rule. But it is to be hoped that, with regard to the Kaffirs generally, a longing for the annexation of now territory may not cause the Cape colonists to treat their coloured neighbours in any other spirit than that of justice and humanity.