SIR GEORGE GREY AND THE GOVERNOR.

Press, Volume XXIX, Issue 3896, 17 January 1878, Page 3

SIR GEORGE GREY AND THE GOVERNOR.

[From the Melbonrne "Argus."] When Sir George Grey was Governor of New Zealand he was in the habit of quoting, "much to the amusement of some of us," writes Mr Alexander Kennedy in his book on that colony, " Carlyle's theory of a pure despotism as the best of all systems of colonial government." It is added that he himself carried that theory into practice as far as he possibly could during his term of power. Since then, while sequestered from public life upon his little island near Auckland, where he-- has been Burrounded by submissive half-castes and dependants, it is evident that the despotic tendencies of his nature have been steadily hardening, until, once more placed in a position of authority, he " Too fond to rule alone, Bears, like the Turk, no rival near his throne." Not only so, but he would degrade the Q.ueen's representative in New Zealand into a mere creature of his own will. Sir George is now stumping the Northern Island, and in a speech which he delivered in the theatre in Auckland, he told his hearers that " under a real responsible government, the Governor should be compelled to take the advice of his Ministers, and the latter would thus become the real governors of the colony. The Governor should be like the Crown in England—without power, except to carry out the advice of his constitutional advisers. Then it would be in the power of the people to reward or punish their representatives—to offer them demonstrations like that of today, or punish them by making them slink through the streets like criminals." We have heard something very like this before in Victoria, some years ago; and its reproduction by Sir George Grey is an amusing illustration of the truth of Mr Kennedy's remark, that " he displays wonderful talent in seizing and appropriating the valuable information, original ideas, and practical views of others. ... In this respect he even surpasses the famous Charles Montagu, the Whig statesman of William and Mary's time, who was styled the daw in borrowed plumes." But it is evident that Sir George values his plagiarised declamation only in bo far as it is serviceable for ad eaptandum. purposes, or that, knowing it to be utterly inconsistent with the principles of constitution—l government, as administered in British colonies, and incompatible with the maintenance of their connection with the empire, he deliberately espouses and champions that theory with a view to bring about separation. In a previous portion of his speech he accused the Marquis of Normanby—who had previously convicted him (Sir George Grey) of conduct entirely unbecoming an English gentleman—of having allied himself with the squatters and the Upper Home. Now, such an accusation is sißgularly misdirected when applied to a statesman who, both by temperament and training, is quite incapable of becoming the ally of any section of the community over which he exercises the authority delegated to him by his sovereign. And so groundless a charge is the more reprehenaible aa emanating, not from an ignorant demagogue, but from a high functionary, who formerly occupied the very post which is now filled by the Marquis of Normanby. Sir George Grey tefls the people of New I Zealand that the Crown in England is without power, except to carry out the advice of its constitutional advisers. This is one of those intrepid assertions to which an exceedingly unpleasant adjective might be appropriately attached. In the very matter of a dissolution, which has been the subject of the disagreement between the Marquis of Normanby and Sir George Grey, the will

of tho sovereign is supreme. " Upon such an occasion," says Todd in his well-known work on "Parliamentary Government in England," " the Sovereign ought by no means to be a passive instrument in the hands of his Ministers; it is not merely his right, but bis duty, to exercise his judgment on the advice they may tender to him," Then again, as Dr. Fischel has pointed out in his work on the English Constitution, the right of the Crown to dismiss its Ministers, even although they may enjoy the confidence of Parliament, is stQl maintained, and is occasionally, though rarely, exercised. Thus the resignation t>f the Melbourne Administration in 1834 was the personal act of William the Fourth, and in 1851, the Queen dismissed Lord Palmerston, because, as Earl Russell afterwards said, " The Secretary of State for Foreign Aff—irs had put himself in the place of the Crown, and had set its authority aside in order to give his own opinion upon the position of things in Paris." And the power of the Crown is still so considerable in the mother country as to cause Dr. Fischel to observe that " should England ever find a ruler possessed of not merely monarchical aspirations, but also the far-sighted views and native talent necessary to a great sovereign, kingship would attain to a much higher significance in the realm." Whatever may be the exact condition of the prerogatives of the Crown,|it is clear that in these colonies the Governors have certain definite powers, conferred partly by commission and partly by law. These powers they are bound to exercise. In addition to this they are supposed to be selected on the ground of their capacity, and the public expect to receive from them the benefit of their knowledge and experience, exercised in a spirit of high-minded impartiality. If they were merely Imperial officers, appointed to watch over Imperial interests, they would be paid out of the Imperial coffers ; but as they form part of our constitutional machinery, and have certain well-defined duties to discharge in connection with its working, they draw their salaries from the colonial Treasury. And in all matters of doubt, and in all cases in which constitutional rules do not clearly apply, the public looks to see thenunbiassed judgment operative for the public good. Certainly, it is no more expected of them that they should Bubside into the condition of mere dummies than that they should identify themselves with any particular party, faction, or interest, in the colony, confided to their Government. They are, or ought to be, admirably qualified by natural ability, by special training, and by entire disconnexion with local politics and sectional interests, to give judicious and disinterested advice, and to act as arbitrators and moderators in cases of disputes ; while it cannot be disputed, we think, that an able, firm, conciliatory, and rigorously impartial governor would necessarily obtain the respect and confidence of the leading politicians of all parties, and that his advice would justly carry great weight with it in critical times and circumstances. As a poet wished to "fly from meaner tyrants to the throne," so we hope that in time the people of these colonies will become tired of having public affairs thrown into confusion for the sake of gratifying the despotic aspirations and vindictive rancour of a mischievous firebrand like Sir George Grey, or in order to enable an intemperate agitator like Mr Berry to reward his obsequious following out of the public Treasury. They will feel inclined, wherever colonial governors exhibit true statesmanship and wisdom, to look upon them as mediators and arbitrators in those political crises into which we are led by the impatience, the intemperance, the undisciplined ambition, and the unrestrained selfishness of the men who embark in public life to gratify their love - of notoriety and to fill their purses.