Our Melbourne Letter.

Bruce Herald, Volume XX, Issue 2072, 14 June 1889, Page 3

Our Melbourne Letter.

(From our own Correspondent.) Before this letter sees daylight, Parlia ment will have met — let us hope for the transaction of public business. The Ministry will not have an altogether rosy time of it if we are to judge from the whispers heard here and there. Neither will the Opposition, which, at the time these lines are being writteD, is still without an ostensible leader. The result of the late elections shows clearly enough that the country is growing weary of the political larrikinism that formed 80 distinctive a feature of the late Assembly ; and Ministers will have mistaken the signs of the times if they do not at once address themselves to the necessary measures of reform. That every abuse will be swept away is too much to expect. That even much-needed reforms will be effected without opposition no one is sanguin enough to suppose. Neither would it be safe to predict the Government will even carry out alt they have promised, or permitted people to believe they intend to do. In fact, it is not so easy to reform an unruly House as many people imagine. Besides, there are more ways than one in which business may be obstructed. I remember a scene that oocurred in the House of Commons some years ago. Government were anxious to advance a measure of some importance a stage on a particular day. It waß business that could not be proceeded with after a quarter past six o'clock. To expedite matters, however, j there was a morning sitting, and it was hoped that by getting early to business the thing sould be got through. But the Opposition put up one of there best men to " talk against time." And he did talk— for more than two mortal hours. At last, when the hands of the clock pointed to the fatal hour, he paused, drew a long breath, and then said solemnly :— >" And now, Sir, having made a few preliminary observations. I will address myself to the argument." Of course, the house ' • exploded," and an afternoon Was lost. I foresee a good deal of trouble looming in the distance over another matter. A Bill is to be brought in, and, if poasible, passed, authorising the expenditure of a certain amount of money upon railway extension, and quite naturally every district wants to have made as many miles of railway as can be got. It will not be an easy matter to reconcile conflicting demands, and it would per* haps be better not to try. The lines that are most likely to pay should not be the routeß selected in all cases. What a new country requires is the tapping of distriots whioh need the means of conveying produoe to market. There is another reason why Ministers will not be in quite such smooth waters as they may desire. For some" weeks paßt rumoar has been rife reßpeoting a reconstruction of the Cabinet, and last week the cat was let out, or, rather pullad out of the bag. It had become neceßaary to provide a cortaia gentleman with a fat income, and it seems that nothing lesß than a Minister's pay would satisfy him. It would hardly do to create an office expressly for him, and so au office had to be emptied for his reception. The question j was, whioh office 7 and which Minister could j be best dispensed with ? A decision was ! speedily come to, and Mr Nimmo was desig- j nated aa the victim. Bnt Mr Nimmo, albeit j an indifferent minister, possesses as just an appreciation of the sweets and emoluments , of office as any other man, and he vigorously protested against being made the victim. He is not without a sense of humour, however^ and pointed out that if his retention of his portifolio was distasteful to Mr Deakin, who wanted it— and the pay— for one of his needy friends, the Premier could easily turn the tables upon Alfred by tendering hie resignation of the Ministry. Duncan was to wily to do that. What he did was toinsistuponMr Nimmo's resignation, in a manner so peremptory, »3 praotioally amounts to a dismissal. There will be trouble over this when Parliament meets ; and especially so if, as most people believe, another Minister will be called upon to resign his portofolio, and, what is worse, his pay. Mr Trenwitb, the new member for Trades' Hall, one day last week assisted to introduce a deputation to the Minister of Trade and Customs. The fellmongers are not flourishing quite as much as they could wish, and they have hit upon the notable expedient of bettering their own oouditiou at the expense of the farmers. I invariably notice that these gentry — men who want artificial support to keep their own trade going — never seem to care a straw who has to pay the piper so long as they oan pub money into their own pocket. The fellmongera want the Government to impose au export duty upon sheep-skins, — in other words compel the farmers to sell them for less money in the colony than oan be got outside— in order that they (the fellmongers) may grow fat. The idea is rather rich, that of making Victorian farmers contribute toward the maintenance of a handful of fellmongers. But just mark the manner in which another set of Mr Trenwith'a clients proposed to bolster up their languishing trade, j These ate the operatives in tobacco and cigar factories. They think that if the Government would abolieh the Is per lb. import duty on raw leaf it would be a good thing for them. They could then, they think, manufacture tobacoo and cigars upon more equal terms with foreign traderß. Now, i this shilling a pound duty was imposed upon J imported leaf just to give the tobacco growers of Victoria a chance as against the foreign grower. I will aay nothing as to the respective merits of foreign as compared with Viotorian tobacoo. AU I want to do is to

point out the utter selfishness of these people, who do not care whether the tobacco grower— generally in a small way — sinks or swims, lives or starves, so long as they can live royally and work only eight hours a day. Bat this is just the idea of a Trades' Hall Protectionist. Protection, with him, meam the bolstering up and maintenance of high prices, in his own trade, with full liberty to help himself to a share of the profits of other people. The Acting-Governor's hospitality, and the expense it entails upon him, is just now being commented upon by various sections of the Melbourne press. Is is urged by some people that His Excellency should not b« subjected to the hardship of maintaining the reputation of Government House upon half the titular's salary. It is hard, in a certain sense, but 1 do not see how it can be avoided. Moreover, I have already pointed out that Sir William Robertson is most likely the coming Governor. Even should Sir Henry Loch return for a year, Sir WillUm might be enjoying a rest for the time. That he accepted the appointment under existing circumstances clearly points in that direction. Still th <t does not alter the fact that he receives ui'usiderably less s lary than the Chief Justice wnuM have done had it been possible to put him in the place. The Chief Justice would have received most of the time half his own salary, and half that of the Governor, whilst, had he chosen to live in his own bouse, the costly entertainments of the rice-regal residence might have been avoided. But after all Sir William Robertson oan be indemnified by a Parliamentary vote, and it would be a graceful aofc ou the part of the legislature to pass such a vote. The Colonial Office is very much governed by precedent in such mitters, and it so happens that such a precedent was set at Mauritius when Sir John Pope Hennessy went on leave after his suspension. I have been requested to forward for your notice the first copy of a new monthly publication, 'The Oddfellow/ It is started in the interests of the Fraternity, and should be supported by members generally.