TITO AND MIHAILOVICH HAVE BIG BALKAN ROLE

Auckland Star, Volume LXXIV, Issue 294, 11 December 1943, Page 4

TITO AND MIHAILOVICH HAVE BIG BALKAN ROLE

DEGARDLESS of the internal frictions that have made Yugoslavia a nest of intrigue for the past ten years, and now divide the guerilla forces in that distressed country into two opposing forces, led respectively by "Marshal Joseph Brog Tito" and General Mihailovich, those forces have a major role to play in the Balkan invasion, which many commentators believe to be imminent. Between them the two generals, Mihailovich with his Chetniks and Tito with his Partisans, lead organised and armed forces totalling possibly 300,000 trained, desperate lighters. Properly organised and used, they can form the beachhead of any attack on the mainland of the Balkans, and, operating behind the German lines, can upset communications, breach supply lines, and by ambush, sortie and diversified attack on aerodromes, troop centres, roads, railways and transport columns, so harass the enemy that his defensive operations will at least be severely hampered. Such a force of determined men could completely upset defence strategy and expose even a strongly entrenched army to defeat. Familiar Nazi Tactics For this reason British policy "to support all forces in Yugoslavia"— as it was declared in the House of Commons by the Minister of State, Mr. R. K. Law—is the only sound one. There is so much still to be learned about the activities of both leaders, and the prejudices in favour of one or other of them are so strong outside and inside Yugoslavia, that it would be most unwise for Britain to take any factional stand.

Internal frictions are the raw materials upon which the Nazis have built the whole pattern of their conquests to date, and new that they are being pressed heavily and that the bright day of triumph is fading in a red twilight of defeat it can be expected that they will use their undoubted abilities in the agitating of fratricidal strife to guard a serious weakness in their flank.

■ In Yugoslavia they have a familiar pattern upon which to work. Mihailovich is the supporter of the old regime suspected of "collaborating with the Germans and with Croat Quisling groups and terrorists"; Tito is "Communist." And the story emanates from the Zurich correspondent of a Stockholm newspaper that Mihailovich has proclaimed publicly that his Chetniks will wage war on Tito's Partisans. Whatever truth exists in any of the stories that are being told concerning either leader would be better left for time to clarify. At the moment both forces can be presumed to be ready to wage relentless war upon the German occupying forces. Britain has liaison officers working with both forces, and it can be presumed, too, that our intelligence has not been idle. If Mihailovich is the traitor to his country that reports would indicate — a camouflaged Quisling—he would not be getting support from the Allies in any quantity. Tito Much More Active Interestingly, however, Mr. Laws declared that we were giving more support, to .Tito because "the resistance of the- partisans to the German'S "is very much "greater." That gives solid; support to , the recent reports of well-placed and reliable cerresponderits, suggesting that Mihailovich has been given credit

for activity which, in fact, was directed by Tito, and that much of the legend associated with his name is misplaced.

New York P.M.'s Guy Rhoades wrote recently: "Far from being the dashing hero of resistance against Nazi occupation lie has been pictured for two years by the Yugoslav Government in exile, Mihailbvich, •apparently, turns cut to be a bench warmer who has been getting the credit for the victories of Tito's partisans, Leftists who stole arms from their enemies and improvised their own offensive."

And the New York Times corres pondent, C. L. Sulzberger, declared

"General Draja Mihailovich is remaining inactive, although strong efforts are being made frem abroad to bring full collaboration— in fact, any at all—between his latent forces and those of Tito."

Both those comments were based on a report from Switzerland stated to have emanated from the Chctnik leader himself that his forces were net, at present, participating against the Nazis, but that he was "waiting the promised signal from the Allies." He is alleged to have written: "My army will begin to fight

when the first Allied Division lands in Yugoslavia. What we are going to do then will completely put in the shade the efforts of the partisans because it will not be an improvised partisan war but a battle by a well-organised and equipped regular army to liberate the country."

Political Differences Only time and events will prove the truth of that assertion and the value of his judgment, but in the meantime Tito's warriors are exceedingly and effectively active. Latest reports were that more than twenty Axis Divisions were tied up in his sphere of operations.

Mihailovich's army, reported from one quarter to be 100,000 strong, is the main Serbian fighting forces, while Tito Partisans, estimated in the latest report to be 200,000 fighting men, includes not only Serbs, but the mass of the Croats as well as Slovenes. The differences between the two are matters of traditional national rivalry, and differences of ultimate political aim.

The political situation is difficult to analyse. While there are many who visualise the restoration of the State in its old form, the supporters of a federal form of constitution are increasing rapidly, and a promising movement has arisen, headed by Dr.

Ivan Ribar. a Slovene formerly prominent in Yugoslav Liberal politics, aiming at a rapprochement among the three races on these lines. Ribar, it is interesting to note, is the chosen President in the Provisional Government supported by Tito, but repudiated by the Royal Yugoslav Government in Cairo.

Dalmatia is said to be divided. One group advocates, close union with Serbia, a policy which, as in Bosnia and Herzegovina, is influenced chiefly by economic considerations. The second group has some desire for autonomy in a federalised State. Among all these groups the firmest link is said to be King Peter, who is genuinely popular in his homeland. He may ultimately be able to consolidate the political situation. He has already appealed for unity. Rival Leaders General Mihailovich has spent most of his life as a professor of military strategy, but in 1939, convinced that war was imminent, he openly criticised the Regent Prince Paul and the present Yugoslav quisling, General Nedich, for neglect of national defence. He suffered for it, but when the blow was struck by Germany he took to the mountains at once and gathered about him an army of fierce mountain-bred Chetniks.

Himself of peasant oi-igin, he held the respect of these warriors of traditional toughness, and from his early activities he acquired a legendary character as a guerilla leader— a legend which certainly does not seem to fit in with, recent reports. In any case the Germans saw fit to place a price on his head of 100,000 marks (over £10,000). There is a similar reward offering for General Tito.

Until the past two months Tito's real name was unknown. He has now been declared to be Marshal Joseph Brog Tito, but October Time declared him to be Josip Broz or Brozovich, aged 53, a Croatian exmetal worker, Communist-trained.

The most reliable report concerning his activities comes from the Associated Press correspondent Daniel de Luce, who was landed on the Dalmatian coast and spent some lime with the Partisan forces, correctly termed the "People's Liberation Army." He wrote that "Drug (Comrade) Tito has welded his guerillas into a tightly-disciplined and hotly-idealistic force that shows more enthusiastic determination than any outfit I've seen since I met Major-General Vassili Novikov's Caucasus Army. . . It's a people's army and presumably susceptible to most of the mistakes . . ex-civilians make. But its spirit is amazing and exhilarating. It knows how to shoot straight."

Whatever be the political frictions existing between the two forces now established in Yugoslavia, there is in either, or both, of them a powerful weapon to be turned against the Nazis when the time comes for an attack by the Allies through the Balkans. An invasion that promised the liberation of Yugoslavia from German occupation would be an immediate unifying agent.