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ORGANISING SYMPATHY

AN historian has recorded that in 1918 a Swiss spoke to a German of the folly of devastating the countries they were then occupying, and asked him: "After this, what will you do if you lose the war?" The German's answer was: "We will organise sympathy." The story is worth recalling not only because Germany did "organise sympathy" after 1918, but be'cause the regimented mourning of the German people for their armies lost at Stalingrad, accompanied as it is by a remarkable change in the direction of German propaganda, strongly suggests that the same game is being started again. Among German characteristics is an immense capacity for intense self-pity. There is no sign of it when German arms are victorious, but when they go down in defeat the collective beating of German breasts and the cries of "Woe is me!" create a clamour that is almost deafening. Then, for the moment, the German? forget that they are the master-race, the Herrenvolk, destined r 0 lorrl u over all who are not certified Aryans. Then, for the moment, •hev - . themselves as a simple, peace-loving people, inexplicably and cruel I • fated to live encircled by aggressive neighbours who are perpetually plotting the downfall of the Reich. So it is with them to-day. And what has given rise to their transports of synthetic grief? It is, superficially, the colossal defeat in front of Stalingrad; in reality, it is the realisation, brought inescapably to their minds, by that defeat, that they cannot now conquer Russia. They cannot now conquer Russia—except on one condition. If the United Nations can be disunited, if the idea can be disseminated among them that Germany's sole object is and always has been to destioy Sa and that in fighting against Russia she is fighting for "European civilisation," then the prospect for Germany will be better We need have no doubt that German propaganda will revert to this theme with great insistency. It is a theme useful for both home and foreign consumption. The Germans fear the Russians, have long feared them; but the fear is based less on the Communism of the Russians than on their numbers and fecundity. When it has suited the German rulers, whether of the Republic or of the Third Reich, to live peaceably alongside Communist Russia they have done so. As late as July 19, 1940, explaining the Russo-German Pact, Hitler declared that relations between the two countries had been "finally settled," despite the machinations of Britain and France. Less than a year later, judging that circumstances were ripe, he attacked Russia. He thought victory certain. He misjudged—and now, after Stalingrad, the German people know colossal was his misjudgment. They are sorry for themselves in the same way as a gangster who had calculated that a bank would be easy t6 rob is sorry when he finds that the staff, though he has wounded them, are determined and prepared to "shoot it out" with him. When Hitler and his propaganda machine assert, as they will again and again, that Germany is "defending Europe against Bolshevism," we must look at the character and record of the defender. They are written in the history of the Nazi regime, both before and since this war began- they need no description. And we must look, too, at the motive of the German • desire to "save" Europe. Her true motive, the consistent motive of German foreign policy in peace and war, is German aggrandisement. If she could annex vast expanses of Russian territory, and exploit their human, industrial and agricultural resources, she could hope, not only that the Western Powers would never be able to force her to sue for peace, but that with the resources of Europe harnessed to her war machine she could prevail over any combination of her remaining enemies. That was the hope, and it has been blasted. Hence German self-pity, and German regimented mourning. No one should be deceived by it, especially when it is accompanied by appeals to the German people for an infinitely greater war effort. The Germans will weep now for defeat; but they will go on working for victory, by arms, by diplomacy and propaganda until there is forced upon them that "unconditional surrender" which is the declared aim of the Allies.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/AS19430206.2.11.1

Bibliographic details

Auckland Star, Volume LXXIV, Issue 31, 6 February 1943, Page 4

Word Count
714

ORGANISING SYMPATHY Auckland Star, Volume LXXIV, Issue 31, 6 February 1943, Page 4

ORGANISING SYMPATHY Auckland Star, Volume LXXIV, Issue 31, 6 February 1943, Page 4