The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News, The Echo and The Sun. MONDAY, APRIL 17, 1939. MR. ROOSEVELT'S APPEAL.

Auckland Star, Volume LXX, Issue 89, 17 April 1939, Page 6

The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News, The Echo and The Sun.

MONDAY, APRIL 17, 1939. MR. ROOSEVELT'S APPEAL.

For the cause that lacks assistance, For the wrong that reeds resistance, For the future in the distance, And the good that toe can do.

That President Roosevelt's message to the leaders of Germany and Italy should have received warm approval and endorsement in the democratic countries was to be expected. Mr. Roosevelt possesses in a degree not approached by any of the other democratic leaders the gift of expressing the opinion — or, more precisely, the feeling—of the average man. He voices, though perhaps his long practical experience does not enable him to share, the common opinion that great international questions can be settled by leaders' in discussion round a table. Hence his proposal to Germany and Italy easily evokes a quick, heartfelt response from those who obviously have much to gain if it were adopted. If peace were guaranteed for ten years an international conference could be called, to reduce armaments and settle international disputes. So stated, the proposal is alluringly simple. It is, in fact, too simple. It leaves out of account the known fact that Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini have no faith in international conferences.

"Above all," said the German leader, in his speech to the Reichstag on February 20, 1938, "I want you to realise that I have the deepest suspicion of all so-called conferences, which, may perhaps provide their participants with hours of interesting and stimulating conversation, but which generally lead only to the disappointment of the hopes of mankind. You will agree that if my programme in 1933 had been that we should wait until a world economic conference came to our assistance Germany would probably have fifteen million to-day, if we had not indeed perished completely in Bolshevist chaos."

There, whatever may be. thought of it, is the conviction, resolutely held, of the autocrat of the greatest nation in Europe. Moreover, it has an element of justification. It'is admitted that Germany's reoceupation of the Rhirieland and her annexation of Austria, accomplished though they were in breach and defiance of treaties, were inevitable. But their inevitability was not recognised until Germany had made herself strong enough to take by force what she had failed to attain either by round-table discussions or formal diplomacy. In short, her efforts to expand were denied while the other Powers had force behind their words and she had not. Under Hitler Germany learned that force was the necessary basis of diplomacy and that, as she grew stronger and stronger, more and more diplomatic victories became possible. What reason has she, now, to believe that the slow haggling of an international "conference would yield her anything comparable with the fruits of swift military action?

Let us ask ourselves some questions, too. If Germany were to respond to" Mr. Roosevelt's appeal, give a non-aggression pledge and enter a conference, what would we be prepared to grant her? She wants her colonies back. Would we allow Mr. Savage at the conference to hand back Western 'Samoa? She wants export markets. Would we willingly buy more German goods, to the detriment of the United Kingdom? If we can honestly answer these questions in the affirmative we may prepare ourselves to take a high moral stand in condemning Germany for her expected refusal qf Mr. Roosevelt's appeal. If we cannot, then we had better refrain from moralising at other people's expense and look to our own 'defences. President Roosevelt's action in ordering the main United States fleet into the Pacific speaks louder than his words, and our actions in our own defence will save more bloodshed than wishful thinking about international conferences.