The Auckland Star WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News and The Echo and The Sun. SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1938. CAMPAIGN RULES.

Auckland Star, Volume LXIX, Issue 220, 17 September 1938, Page 10

The Auckland Star WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News and The Echo and The Sun.

SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1938. CAMPAIGN RULES.

For the cause that lacks assistance, For the irrong that needs resistance, For the future in the distance, And the good that ice can do.

The Government's choice of a Saturday for polling day lias much to commend it, and the fact that elections in Australia are usually held at the end of the week without inconvenience to any considerable section <it' the community should convince those who douht the wisdom of the change. Those who want to vote —anil an unprecedented number will wish to vote on October 15— will find a way, and modern means of communication make the task much easier. The Prime Minister, without consulting the Opposition leader, has decided that opportunities fur broadcasting shall be allotted (ioviTtmient, Opposition anil Independents in the proportion of six, four anil two. That decision is certainly open to criticism. It the proportions are supposed to bear some relationship to the strength of parties in the expiring Parliament, then obviously the Independents have been treated far too generously. Although Mr. Savage recognises four Independents, two of them, Messrs. At more anil McDougall, are scarcely distinguishable from the pledged supporters of the Government, and, in fact, the Government is not opposing them in their electorates. As Mr. Rushworth is retiring from politics, the only genuine Independent (judged by the test that he is opposed by both Government and National parties) is Mr. Sexton in Franklin. Yet the Independents are to have two broadcasts to the National party's four. It is, however, questionable whether the existing strength of Parliamentary parties should be taken into account. There are only two parties contesting this election—the Government •nd the alternative Government. The people have to make a choice between the two, and there is a strong case for allowing equal broadcasting opportunities to each. But, with brefhdeasting under political control, the decision lay with the Minister, and his decision is final.

In announcing his decision Mr. Savage added that he reserved the right to have access to the radio at any time during the campaign. It is true that the Prime Minister should have that right, but there should he no such right for Mr. Savage as a party leader. He was understood to say that stAtementg might be made during the election campaign which would be damaging to the country, and as Prime Minister he was in charge of the country and it was his duty to correct such statements. But in subsequent remarks he certainly left room for suspicion that he may use his self-conferred right to reply to statements which he regards as excessively damaging to the Government party. To distinguish between statements damaging to the country and statements damaging to the party will not be easy, for conceivably a statement, a true statement, might be both. But the Opposition has this consolation: If the Prime Minister's privilege is abused, it will be the Government party that will suffer. That, however, does not weaken the argument of those who contend that party political control of broadcasting is highly dangerous to democracy. "If Governments grow into anytWng like the habit of controlling broadcasting," said one of the most able of the Labour members in the House of Commons, " this country (Britain) would be well on the way to the spectacle which could be seen on the Continent of Europe, where under Government ownership broadcasting was being used to turn people into a population of robots." The " habit " has grown strong in this country under the Labour Government, and if proof were needed, the Prim« Minister's announcement yesterday is sufficient.