THE SOVIET BALLOT.

Auckland Star, Volume LXIX, Issue 4, 6 January 1938, Page 20

THE SOVIET BALLOT.

IMITATION DEMOCRACY

VOTERS SHOW ENTHUSIASM.

PARTY NOT AN ISSUE. (By "WILLIAM C. McCLOY.) HEW YORK

The nation-wide election in Soviet Russia on Sunday, December 12, is yet another step in the new "Retreat from Moscow"—toward Democracy. This is the first national election under the new Constitution, adopted by the Eighth Congress of the U.S.S.R. on December 5, 1930, and. for the first time in history, tiie whole Russian population is voting directly by secret ballot for the highest power in the land—the Supreme Soviet, created by the new Constitution.

The former Soviet Central Executive Committee, which it replaces, was elected indirectly, by a public show of hands, among hand-picked delegates at various Soviet congresses. As Stalin himself put it, in his report to the Eighth Congress of Soviet, the new Constitution is "further democratising the electoral system by replacing not entirely equal suffrage by equal suffrage, indirect election by direct election, and open ballot by secret ballot."

Though the election is more democratic than any that Russia had ever known in Czarist or Soviet days, it none the less differs sharply from an American election. In the first place, it is nearly twice as big. In onr Presidential election of 1936 the total number of votes cast was 45,812,125. Something between 75,000,000 and 100,000,000 voters are expected to go to the polls in Russia on December 12. The exact figure is uncertain because many legal voters may be afraid to use their right to vote after the recent "purge" of exiles and executions. But even the minimum figure of 75,000,000 voters is larger than any other national electorate in the world.

A Lengthy Ballot.

Not only aru they voting for the 1143 members of the Supreme Soviet, which will correspond roughly to the American Congress, but some 2,000,000 deputies will also be voted for as members of local soviets or councils—in the cities, villages, factories, counties and province®. Try to imagine an American election in which every office from President down to village constable and postmaster is voted on the same day, and then double the figure. This gives some idea of the impressive scale of the coming Russian election.

The Soviet voter, unlike the American, will not use a voting machine—with the exception of a few to be tried out in Moscow.; Nor will the Soviet voter use the older American method of putting a cross opposite his candidate's name. He will be required to mark out the names of all candidates on the ballot excepting only those for whom he wishes to vote.

But most significant differences of all between this Russian election and American elections is the fact that all the Russian candidates belong to the one and only political party—'the Communist party. As in Nazi Germany, every voter must accept the one party ®*T risk of exile or execution. On July 5, G. K. Ordjonikidge, Commissar of Heavy Industry, quoted a promise made hy Stalin that the Soviet Union would, avoid an electoral system under which one party can attack the party in power and take its place. An Election of Individuals.

The purpose of the Russian election is not to choose between two or more party platforms, but to choose among a number of candidates the individuals whom the voter believes will best represent the public interests. As these candidates cannot be nominated by party conventions, they are chosen by various public bodies—trade unions, co-opera-tives', ybttth organisation*; and cultural ' • .-i-v— ,V-

Any Soviet citizen is eligible, except those who are members of electoral committee*—.committees . in . charge of election procedure. Even a few of these are eligible—notably certain of the AllSoviet Union electors. Stalin himself is a candidate for the Stalin division of Moscow in the present election, and organisations in more than 600 other districts begged for the honour of nominating him.

In theory, it sounds ideal to vote for men instead of parties. In practice one gets an impression that a great nation is playing at democracy—making an election a sort of game in order to amuse the people and divert their thoughts from the deeper realities of political power. How else can we explain the tremendous interest in Russia over an election that does not involve a possible change of the party in power ? How else can we explain the Russian excitement about a political campaign so openly stage managed by the Government—witness the official bulletin, forjnally announcing the date for candidates to begin campaigning:

". . . The Central Executive Committee of. the U.S.S.R. resolves . . .

that the election campaign in connection with, the elections to the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. begins October 12. 1937. "M. Kalinin, Chairman of the C«ntral Executive Committee of the U.S.S.R. "A. Andreyeff. For the Secretary of the Central Executive Committee of the U.S.S.R." -f But let there he no doubt about the enthusiasm of the Russian masses for this synthetic election. The so-called "backward nations," of which Russia is etill one,".regard; the right to vote as an exciting novelty,; They get_a "kick" out of it—no mattes*, what they are voting for, or under what conditions they vote. Young Voters Enthused. Again; the low age limit of the Russian .voters —18 for boys and girls alike • —has-.stirred the. enthusiasm of the younger generation, which the Soviet Government has been quick to cultivate; . Hundreds of thousands of "election 'discussion centres" for "the guidance and iriwt junction of voters" have been organised all over the country, with younger voters, who have grown* up under Soviet rule and know : no other--way of life. In -MoscowiPirbviuee alone, 15,000 of these •pre -election s.clubi . have been created in the last few weeks; V * '/ ' The city of Moscow has distributed an enormous quantity of campaign literature, a great deal of which has been- sent- by aeroplane to the most remote and desolate electoral districts in the world —north .of the Arctic Circle and far out on the plains and deserts of Centrial Asia. "The quality of the election discussions may be judsred from the announcement of * Peter Pavlenko, favourite Soviet author: "I intend to vote for richer fields and Hipper rivers, fnr hotter mines and still more trinm- | nliant aeroplanes. for fa°ter ships, for j deener knowledge of our fatherland—for Stalin!"' I

In spite of the fact that liberals m England, France and the United States have been urging the abolition of the Upper House in Parliament, the Chamber of Deputies and Congress for many years, and one American State—Nebraska—is now trying out a singlechamber legislature, the newly projected Supreme Soviet will consist of tvo chambers after the election. One is ro be called the Soviet of the Union. It will bav£ 509 members, elected, like the American House of Representatives, on a numerical basis, each member to represent 300,000 Soviet citizens. The other House is to be called the Soviet of Nationalities. It will have 574 members, elected on a geographical basis, like the American Senate, and the members will represent the 63 separate and distinct nationalities within the Soviet Union, regardless of numbers.

Will the Play Become Reality? Stalin and his followers lay great stress on the claim that these two Houses of the Supreme Soviet will be equal in power and must not be referred to as the "upper" and "lower' House. A law passed by the Supreme Soviet will go into effect only if it is passed in both Houses by a simple majority. According to.Article 47 of the new constitution, disagreement between the two chambers will be referred to a conciliation commission established on a parity basis. If the commission fails to settle the disagreement, the Supreme Soviet will be dijsolved, cutting short the four-year term its members will serve ordinarily, and a new national election will take place. In no way is one chamber given any authority or precedence over the other.

It will be interesting to see if this absolute equality between the two chambers can be maintained in spirit as well as letter. Possibly the Soviet of Nationalities may one day become as conservative as the French and American Senates, both originated by revolutionary Government*. To-day, with only one party in the Soviet Union, it is hard to believe that Russia will ever develop conservatives and progressives again. But these party lines are only the reflection of a fundamental difference in human temperament, from which even Russians are not exempt. Surely 75,000,000 voters cannot go to the polls without developing factions sooner or later. When a great nation starts to "play" at being a democracy, there is always a possibility that the "play" may get beyond its lords and masters and become a serious reality.—NANA