COOLIDGE'S POPULARITY.

Auckland Star, Volume LVI, Issue 192, 15 August 1925, Page 11

COOLIDGE'S POPULARITY.

AMERICA PINS ITS FAITH.

TO STRONG, SILENT MAN.

CAUTION GIVES WAY TO FIRMNESS

America, which for many months has walked with hesitant tread over the quicksands of foreign policy, is now advancing with firm, deliberate strides along, a definite pathway of policy. This gradual change reflects with great accuracy the characteristics of America's pilot. President Coolidge combines the New Zealand traits of caution and determination. He exercised the former until he felt perfectly sure, both of his policy and his political backing, and now that be has made up his mind on both these points, it is fair to assume that the world will be shown unmistakably how America stands.

Within the past few months there have been three manifestations of this new element of definiteness in the American programme. The most important has been her attitude toward the debt question, and her determination to make her European debtors either pay up or enter into some arrangement to refund their obligations. The second instance, which showed perhaps more boldness than tact, was the American method of treating the Mexican situation. The third, which deals with a subject both internal and external in its influence, is President Coolldge's latest declaration in favour of a higher tariff. Deeply Entrenched. It is interesting to survey briefly the change that has occurred in American public opinion since the election of Coolidge. He was at first accepted merely as a stop-gap to fill in after the sudden death of President Harding. He had few of the captivating graces of his predecessor; he lacked the quality so typically American of mixing with Ms fellow-men, and finally he laid no claim to being a public speaker. His chief characteristic was his totally un-Ameri-can dislike for talk. He revelled in long silences, and when he had to speak he did so with the fewest words, deliberately paring from his speech florid expressions and perorations, so dear to the American heart. It is a queer paradox that such a man should entrench himself so deeply with the American people, not in their hearts, perhaps, but in their confidence, which, in the final analysis, is probably much more important.

About a year ago it was a popular pastime among smart political writers at Washington to employ an idle Sunday writing an analysis of the Coolidge character. A few contended that behind this impassive mask there was the keen brain of a great statesman, and that his Bilence was that of the superb engine which performs its task without unnecessary noise. We are compelled to admit, however, that the viewpoint of the majority was different.

What do the writers say of him today? They acknowledge with a most engaging candour that their earlier estimates of this puritanical President were wrong. Mark Sullivan, a veteran Washington correspondent, admits that Coolidge has gained a phenomenal hold on the United States. He is at a loss to know whether this is due to the nation's contentment because of prosperity, or whether the prosperity itself is indirectly due to the nation's contentment with Coolidge.

Arthur Brisbane, the leading editorial -writer for the Hearst papers, in groping for an explanation, is half inclined to turn to radio. He points out that never before has a President had the opportunity of reaching such a vast audience, and that in reaching it by radio the listeners obtain the full value of President Coolidge's words without the possible drawback of his rather austere personality.

Referring again to the comments of Mark Sullivan, he claims that Coolidge, although the very antithesis of Roosevelt, has a greater hold on America than the famous rough rider. He contends that there is absolutely no parallel for the present contentment of the American people with their President. Feels Loss of Hughes. Roosevelt's popularity lasted until he deliberately disrupted his party. Close students of politics are wondering whether Coolidge can continue to hold popular favour while he sails the uncharted seas of foreign affairs. If we pursue this metaphor, his first venture into the rough water was not a particularly happy one. The Mexican incident was unquestionably a mistake. For the moment, the blame rests with Secretary of State Kellogg, but the men who really count in political affairs in this country are slow to exonerate Coolidge.

The Mexican question is still unsettled, but the long pause in diplomatic exchanges gives hope that the United States will make "the soft answer that ttirneth away wrath," or, better still, no answer at all.

So much for Mexico. When ne comes to the question of foreign debts, the President is on much firmer ground. Here he has all the moral backing of the man who has given his debtor every opportunity to pay, and finally calls for a reckoning. He is buttressed by the fact that Great Britain, the largest debtor of all, has set a shining example by entering into a refund arrangement and starting her payments. Coolidge has * now made it unmistakably clear that he expects the other nations of Europe to do likewise. If they cannot pay all, he expects them to at least make an attempt, and he is clearly opposed to the granting of such a long moratorium that the forfeiture of interest would probably amount to cancellation. There must be some plan for repayment of debts, and it must be a real workable scheme, not cancellation dressed in the guise of fanciful financial phrases. Strong on Tariffs. The Coolidge declaration on tariff is rather disheartening to outside observers, because it confirms their suspicions that the power given to the President to modify existing rates is likely to be used only in an upward direction. Whatever expectations existed that the administration might lower the tariff wall to admit certain agricultural products, have certainly been diminished by the President's latest utterance. Coolidge will probably gain added strength by the unexpected death of Senator La Follette. The radical senator from Wisconsin was essentially the head of an icipient third party movement, so that it is extremely difficult to gauge the strength of that movement without him. While lie was a Republican he represented the radical element with such aggressiveneses that he was a permanent thorn in the side of the party itself. The most reliable political observers admit that La Follette's' death will have a great effect on political events for the next few years.