THE WAR STATION.

Auckland Star, Volume XLIX, Issue 244, 12 October 1918, Page 13

THE WAR STATION.

LLOYD GEORGE IN CHEERFUL MOOD. OUR EMPIRE'S MAGNIFICENT EFFORTS. (From Our Special Correspondent.) LONDON, August 8. Mr. Lloyd George had a spacious theme when he addreesed the House of Commons on August 7 on the war situation, and it was one peculiarly suited to hie temperament. He was "in good heart," and communicated his buoyancy of spirit to the House, for he, Sifce most orators, is at his best when things are going well, and he certainly had heartening news for members to carry away with them at the adjournment of the Commons for the autumn receee. The Prime Minister -was not flamboyantly optimistic, only genuinely cheerful, and for that reason some of Uβ are inclined to take an even more hopeful view of the war situation than hie epeech disclosed. We remember that only too often when, our parliamentary leaders have "shouted the odds" a bit loudly something very unpleasant has occurred very swiftly on the heels of their wltra optimistic oratory. To the unthinking portion of the public, it may be mentioned, Mr. Lloyd George's speech contained one sour passage; this was hie statement to the effect that 150 submarines had been destroyed—more than half in the course of last year. Many people expected a far greater total, and the pessimists are ■pulling long faces over the Premier's modest aggregate. But Mr. Lloyd George referred specifically to destruction by the British Navy. There are other navies operating against the eubmarine, and we know that the French, the Italians, and the Americans have each their own little "bag" of submarines. Moreover, the sad-faced gentry should remember that our Navy has a Medes and Persian rule which forbids its members to count probabilities as certainties. When our Navy officially claims to have destroyed a eubmarine fhe-re is no underwriter at Lloyds who would insure that particular undersea craft at £99 19/11 per cent unless he was anxious to lose a few shillings. Yet there are (scores of cases on record where the chances that the submarine attacked was not destroyed are about a j thousand to one againet, and dozens of other "incidents" in which the odd 6 against the submarine ever returning to her base are at least a hundred to one. Again, did Mr. Lloyd George's figures include those German peste of the sea which are actually in our docks and har-, boure? These alone would form a very formidable flotilla if Germany could only get hold of them again, though they may not be quite so numerous as some of the railway-carriage naval quidnuncs would have us believe. Mr. Lloyd. George's speech contained a good many facts designed to give the Old- Country, critics food for reflection — especially those who have been in .the habit of suggesting that she is not "pulling her weight" in the Allied war-boat. The Prime Minister's stirring record of what the Empire has done —though very incomplete—is heartily commended to their attention: — OUR NAVAL CONTRIBUTION. Here, for example, are a few facte about the Navy: Since the outbreak of war the tonnage of the Navy has risen from 2,500,0U0 tons to 8,000,000, including the auxiliary fleet. During June alone the ships of the British Navy steamed 5,000,000 miles. The blockade extends from Shetland to Greenland, and thence to Iceland and to ' Norway —"an impenetrable barrier to Germany." Between a million and a million and a-lialf men are employed in manning and maintaining the Navy, more than 800,000 of whom are of military age. The British Navy has sunk 150 submarines, more than half of which were destroyed in the course of last year. Unless the Allies had been completely, triumphant at the outset at sea, no efforts on land conld ha-*e saved them. The British Fleet is mainly responsible for this complete triumph. Such was the Prime Minister's tribute; to the British Navy, proudly spoken aod received as proudly by all who heard it. 6,250,000 MEN FROM GREAT BRITAIN. On land the Empire's effort has been correspondingly magnificent: — Since August, 1914, Great Britain has raised for the Army and Navy together, 6,230,000 men—the majority by voluntary enlistment. The Dominions have raised a million more. India has contributed 1,250,000. If the United States were to raise men in similar proportion to Great Britain, their contribution would amount to 15,000.000. With such a record the British Empire need not shrink from comparison with any of the belligerents. It has pulled, and is pulling, its full weight. In reviewing the military situation on the Western Front, Mr. Lloyd George spoke of the grandiose German plan to effect a rupture between the British and French armies, and destroy the British Army. But after admitting fully the successes which the Germans at first achieved, he went on to say:— Within a fortnight of March 21, no fewer than 268,000 men were thrown across the Channel; within a month 355.000. At this moment there were more British guns and machine guns in France than ever. After six weeks of eanguinary fighting, mainly against the British, the Germans turned their attention elsewhere. AMERICA'S MENACE TO GERMANY. Mr. Lioyd George paid a stirring tribute to Marshal Foch's "skill, resource, and genius." The danger was not over, but he would be a sanguine man on the German General Staff who would now predict that Germany would obtain a military decision this year. He thought that the German authorities had been deceived by believing the dismal assertions in the British Press that we had no reserves in this country to send, and no ships to send them in, or fetch help from America.; To bring over the Americans more rapidly, we gave up essential cargoes to the extent of 200.000 tons a month; but the result was that in July alone 305,000 Americans were brought over, 188,(500 of whom came in British ships. Speaking of the Americans with enthusiasm, the Prime Minister said: — '•There will be no break in her increasing numbers till America has an army not far short, if at all, of the German army itself." I

I Turning to the enemy, Mr. Lloyd George said that some of Germany's ; allies were becoming a burden to her I rather than a support, and Germany herjfielf was now begging for Austrian siipIport—rather a humiliation, when one knew what German opinion of the Austrian Army really was. As for Russia, she was "a tangle to Germany's feet." "The harvests of the Central Powers are short; militarily, the Germans are past the height of their endeavours." Though the strain of the Prime Ministers speech hereabouts may seem a trifle boastful he took pains to deprecate all foolish optimism. The enemy, he said, was stiH very powerful, and had powerful forces in reserve. But he was no longer on the crest of the wave, and the 'chance he had had this spring and early summer would never occur again. The great promise made to the people of German}', "Don't yoxi worry about peace, you can dictate it* in a few months," had completely failed. "GENERALISSIMO" FOCH. Other paseages of the speech which were listened to with great attention were those in which the Prime Minister alluded to Marshal Foch's position and the unity of strategic command. "Generalissimo" was a misleading word to use in this connection. There is no Generalissimo in the real full sense of the term. A Generalissimo is a man who has complete command over his army, and who appoints generals and dismisses generals, who controls not merely the fighting in 'the field, but the troops behind the line. That is not the position of General Focb, and is not the position to which he aspired. In the ordinary sense of the term, that has not been attained, and the Prime Minister is still of opinion that it is not desirable that ft should be attained. No man has claimed it, no one has argued for it. What has been established has been unity of strategic command, and that hae answered every purpose, ac the Germans know to their cost. NO PEACE TALK YET. Mr. Lloyd George spoke most sympathetically of Russia, disclaiming all desire to interfere with the Russian people or t<j impose on them any particular form of Government, and saying that the Allies would render them every assistance in their power to liberate "them from the cruel oppression of the Germans. But the position is vastly difficult, for, as the Prime Minister said: "Russia is broken into a number of diffused but ill-defined entities that make the path of diplomacy exceedingly difficult in relation to that vast country. There is no de jure Government there. They attempted to set one up by election, but no sooner did an election take place than the Constituent Assembly ■was dispersed by force. The idea that ■we are behaving hostilery towards a irreat democratic Government has nothing in common with the-facts of the case. There is np Government in Russia now. Whatever its professions, it is a Government by force, and' our only policy was to deal with a de facto Government. That is not so easy. We have not the slightest desire to interfere with the Russian people, and we have certainly no intention of imposing upon them any particular form of Government. That is a matter entirely for 'themselves. But when we see Germany imposing her authority upon large tracts of, land, and exploiting, or attempting to exploit, them to the detriment.'of 'the Allies against the. will x>t the people, we ieel that, at any rate, the Russian people ought to lie free to decide for themselves." His last words bore relation to the question of peace, and showed him to be convinced that it .was no good talking peace at this moment, and that it would never be any good as long aa the caste which made the war is in supreme command in Germany. Brest-Litovsk, the peace treaty with Rumania, the fate of Kuhlmann—all showed that the Prussian war party was still predominant. Mr. Lloyd George said that he looked forward to a League of Nations, but not a League Where, at every important decision, the Prussian sword would clank on the council table.