AMERICA AND THE WAR.

Auckland Star, Volume XLVI, Issue 62, 13 March 1915, Page 11

AMERICA AND THE WAR.

(By FREDERICK STUBBS, F.E.G.S.)

•As I believe I was the only New Zealand writer ia the United States-when lie war broke out, and had the advantage, during my four months' travel in ■ tiat country, of conversing with President Wilson. Mr Bryan, Dr. Starr Jordan. Dr. Aked, and many other leaders of public opinion, as well as attending the sittings of the Senate and House of Representatives, it has seemed to mc possible that the readers of the "Auckland Star" might like to learn my views es.to the attitude of Americans in the present war. First let mc say that I was both surprised and sorry on reaching Australasia last month to find that there was a good deal of feeling against Americans on account of the attitude of their Government. I was sorry (1) because I feel quite sure that that feeling-was based on misapprehension, and (2) be cause after more than four months' travel in the United States, viewing its resources and conversing with its citizens, I feel more strongly than ever tow desirable it is that the two great branches of the Anglo-Saxon race should remain firm friends. We don't want the United States as well as Germany ■gainst us. THE OFFICIAL ATTITUDE. Officially, of course, the United States is neutral. Where the President's private sympathies are, I have no doubt, but he believes that when the terms of peace come to be discussed and a final settlement made, the United States, as the most powerful neutral State, will have a very influential voice, hence his almost too obvious anxiety to keep on good terms with Germany as well as with Great Britain. It is not because he thinks them both equally right, but te thinks that his position as a future mediator will be strengthened if he can ieep the United States from taking sides. Consequently, on the outbreak of war he issued a manifesto to American citizens entreating them not to express opinions favourable to either side, but to maintain a strictly neutral attitude. I saw this document in t-he post offices and other Government institutions, and wish now that I had procured a copy; but I remember that it Khowed an almost pathetic anxiety for neutrality. Personally, I believe" Mr. TTllson has gone too far in his desire not to offend Germany (for that is what it amounts to), and" that it would have been better and nobler had he protested, as he had a right to do, against the violation of Belgium's neutrality, and the subsequent atrocities. But that was the president's view, and it is at least intelligible, even though we may not e'gree with it. ."• THE GERM-Os POPULATION. Then there is another fact that goe3 to explain the Government's attitude. The United States has a population of close on 100,000,000, of whom 15,000,000 are of German descent. Many of these latter are men of great wealth and influence. With nearly one-fifth of the people pro-German, it would require a good deal of courage for the Government to show any pronounced sympathies edthithe Allies-: Then, again, of thos'e'-wh^se s sympathies were with the Allies, all were not strongly so. The great majority of Americans put what they considered American interests first. They wished well to the Allies, and hoped they would win, but they were anxious above all that American commercial interests should not suffer. Hence the outcry against ships being held up, etc. It was not that they sympathised with Germany, but they did not want American trade to be hampered. TTe think that they ought to ihave been willing to endure loss for the sake ot the Allies, who were fighting in •the cause or liberty, etc., but the Americans were very reluctant to adopt this Tiew. That their sympathies with the Allies subsequently increased I shall ahow later on, but the above sufficiently explains the attitude of their Government. THE PEOPLE TAKE SIDES. Of course, the President's manifesto Jailed. You cannot make a people neutral by Act of Parliament. A few newspapers urged their readers to obey the President's injunction; a few stores put up notices forbidding their employees to mention the war; a few people went about with legends upon their breasts. "I am neutraf; don't talk war"; no allusion to the war was permitted in the theatres; but the great majority of the American people speedily took up sides. For months hardly anything else was talked about. Great crowds gathered outside the newspaper offices reading and discussing the cablegrams as they arrived; edition a fter edition was bought up, eagerly: traffic was impeded. It was one of my most interesting, and, may I add, amusing- experiences to mingle in the: crowds and listen to the conversation.' Of all Americans, the Germans were the most interested and excited. Half the j crowds were of this nationality, and fiercely resented any opposition to their ■riews. It was Germany that had been' tßsailed: on September 2 the Kaiser wonld be in Paris, and three weeks later in London. Every adverse telegram was * lie, concocted by the newspapers, which were bribed by English gold. Frequently a breach of "the peace was threatened, •nd thin the pqlieeman stepped in. Several new journals were started,! printed in both German and English, and giving most distorted and ridiculous accounts of the origin and conduct of the war; large meetings of German citi*ns were held, protesting (strange to, *»y) against the Anti-German attitude of the Government, and denouncing the partiality of the Press. Such was the Wndition of things in the early weeks «f the war. THE TURNING POINT. What turned public sympatliy more strongly in favour of the Allies was the of the atrocities being perpetrated in Belgium. At first the majority were Meptical: it seemed impossible that a P«at, progressive nation like Germany *4ould do such things. But by-and-bye &c Belgian Commission came and gave their evidence; the New York papers especially took up a strong position; Mr Eepk (the former Attorney-General) Wrote some powerful articles which were indicated; and so the great American public became convinced. I ought not to forget, too, the profound impression heated by the publication of the English White Book, along with those of the «ier belligerents. These were publiehed first of all in instalments, then bound up together. The "New York Times" alone •old more than 100,000 copies, and it is ** too much to say that Sir Edward wey's admirable presentation of the ■iffies , case strengthened American sentient immensely. Count Bernstorff and ■ Bγ. Dernburg strove in vain to stem the we of publio opinion in favour of tie .■allies; indeed, the obvious fabrications •nd exaggerations of the former did the wmaa cause more harm than cood. and

I notice that he is to be recalled. The writings of Bernhardt were also widely sold and read, and incresed the feeling •.gainst Germany. THE AMERICAS POSITION. The Americans are not unnaturally deeply concerned for their trade, and feared at first that the war would disastrously affect it. Prophecies of ruin were abundant, though I must say that from the first many took an opposite view, which seems likely to be justified. The vast stocks of cotton on their hands gave great anxiety. Now, however, 1 see that the cotton is being , rapidly exported, whilst the war orders have already exceeded £50,000,000, so America is likely,' on the whole, to gain commercially. What most appeals to Americans in favour of the British cause (in addition to the general causes already, mentioned) is the fact that their political, social and mfcral ideas are similar to ours and opposed to those of Germany. They believe, as we do, in democratic institutions and government; in the equalisation, as far as possible, of knowledge, wealuh and happiness; in the carrying of certain great moral principles, ridiculed i>y German writers, into the sphere of conduct. The fact that they share our language, literature and religion has also immense influence. Then there is a passionate hatred of war such as I have met.with in no other country, and of those that make war; a great liking for arbitration, and a belief in the sacredness of treaties. The consequence is that to-day you have 80 per cent of the American people on the side of the Allies, including the ex-President, nearh' all the newspapers, university professors (875 out of 900), and ministers of the Gospel. They may give utterances occasionally to expressions of annoyance when some ship is held up (so would we), but depend upon it the American's convictions and sympathies are strongly with us, and if only 'the Government gave permission, hundreds of thousands of young Americans would volunteer to serve under the British flag. Over and over again I have heard prominent Americans say: "We know that you are fighting our" battle as well as your own; if you fail, the burden of defending the rights of democracies will one day fall upon us." All America is beginning to see this, and I trust New Zealand and Australian readers will do all in their power to conserve and strengthen the alliance of sentiment and feeling that has already been evoked.