The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning news and The Echo. TUESDAY, MARCH 22, 1910. THE FALL OF CANNON.

Auckland Star, Volume XLI, Issue 69, 22 March 1910, Page 4

The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning news and The Echo.

TUESDAY, MARCH 22, 1910. THE FALL OF CANNON.

Tor the cause that lacks assistance. For the wrong that needs resistance. For the future in the distanae, And the good that we can do.

! A- this distance the general pt_— of New Zealand can hardly be expected to take a keen personal interest in the details of American politics; and the news that the powers of the Speaker of the House of Representatives ihave been extensively curtail ed will certainly not create any pronounced sensation on this side of the world. But to the citizens of the great —ep_—ic, the success of the "insurgents" at Washington in their revolt against the Speaker is an exceed— ly significant and impressive fact For in the first place the Speaker of the House is by general consent the most powerful public man in the United States after the Pre—dent; and, secondly, Mr Cannon —or "Uncle Joe," as he is known from the Lakes to the Gulf, and from. New York to San Franciscois one of the strongest and most m_sterful politicians of the day — has had even more to do with recent American legislation than Roosevelt himself. It is true that no greater contrast could be imagined; for while Roosevelt is always progressive and pugnacious, Cannon is conciliatory and conservative. To use a favourite term from the vocabulary of American politics, Cannon is an ideal

"stand-patter"-—the type of the party that, whether through natural sympathy for the established order of things or a keen sense of- self-interest, has no desire for change. He has thus come to be regarded as a permanent obstruct. that blocks the "policies" of reform which. Roosevelt and Taft have endeavoured to promote; and even the Republicans have come to realize that if no practicable means could be found of limiting ibis powers, "Uncle Joe nrtist go."

But how comes it that under a nominally democratic constitution a public functionary whose official duties are supposed to be performed with the most absolute impartiality, should be able to exercise such influence over the course of legislation? The answer is to he found j in the relation that has hitherto subsisted between the Speaker and the Committees of the House of Representatives. There are 54 separate committees that do practically all the work of the House. Each committee has a chairman, and each chairman has a certain amount of power and patronage. He can practically decide what questions are to be taken up by his committee, and in what order they are to be dealt with, and it is seldom that the committee is alto overrule him. Now every one of these chairmen has hitherto been appointed iby the Speaker; and this fact alone is enough to explain the political omnipotence that "Uncle Joe" has so long enjoyed. These 54 chair:men form.d •the "Cabinet," of which so much has been beard lately in American newspapers. "They and. the Speaker," says one critic, "hold the bu_ness of the country in the hollow of their hands, so to • speak, subject, of course, ultimately to ■public 'sentiment. But it takes a large noise to arouse public sentiment, and on all but the 'biggest questions Mr Cannon and his 'Cabinet' have a .power in the way of blocking legislation that is almost invincible." It is true that even despotic power may maintain itself without comment if it is discreetly wielded. But of late "Uncle Joe" has been freely charged with displaying manifest bias in his appointment of chairmen, and with defending the great financial organisations against the party of reform; and all that was needed was a combination of the _emocratic minority with the Republican insurgents to effect his downfall.

To secure the objects at which this coalition aimed, it was not necessary to unseat the Speaker. Undoubtedly many of Cannon's ambitious rivals have long had an eye upon his „air. But though the Republican were anxious to curb his authority, they were not prepared to play into the hands of the Democrats by deposing him. All that, was necessary was to make two changes in the rules of the Houseone requiring that the Speaker must recognise any member rising to speak when the floor is not in possession of someone else; i the other requiring that the power to appoint the Chairman of Committees be taken out of the Speaker's hands, and 'be delegated to a special committee, to he elected by the House itself. Apparently the House has been satisfied to

ipass a rule appointing a Committee to arrange the order of precedence ill regard to bills, so that none shall be ignored by the arbitrary exercise of the Speaker's authority. Possibly the -——-gents would have done more if they had been stronger. But they numbered only 35, while the Republican majority was nearly 50; and the Democratic minority, on whom the rebels counted for support, was naturally dubious and half-hearted -in its cooperation. Indeed, "Uncle Joe's" position was so strong —.at it was generally believed he could iiold his own ' unless.

and until the President indicated to the Republican leader that he was tired of "Camionism"— is, of the systematic obstruction of the reform "policies'* in Congress. And though President Taft is far too discreet a man to take sides openly in a controversy that is really the 'business of the House of Representatives, there seems to be no doubt that he has given the "insurgent" party all the aid that his personal influence and his august position could command. Mr. Cannon, therefore, retains his post as Speaker of the House of Representatives, but if we are to accept the interpretation put upon this episode toy the Washington correspondent of the "Times," it is a very serious blow not only to the Speaker but to the special form of Republicanism for which he stands. It is possible that the reform party expects too much from the expedient it has de- J vised to restrict the Speaker's powers; and time alone can show whether the experiment will be successful. But Mr. ! Cannon is so interesting a figure in American public life tha we may spare a little space for his personality. A Quaker, a fanner, a lawyer, a •banker, a monopolist, a statesmanhe is i a curious blend of all these heterogeneous ingredients. He has many personal peculiarities, which he may be suspected of having exploited with some care for the purposes of public notoriety; and his tempestuous hair, Ms white chin-beard, his omnipresent cigar, his soft felt hat, his agile legs, and 'his favourite attitude, in which his feet rest' on the same level as Ilia head, are part of the stock-in-trade of all American caricaturists. He has 'been in Congress for 32 years. He is 73 years old, but declares that he will live to celebrate his hundredth birthday, and he looks like it. A keen judge of men, a strong and resourceful chairman, a politician familiar with every move in the political game, and as a man genial, cheerful, kindly, eminently lovable—"Uncle Joe" is the most familiarly known and most generally liked of all American politicians to-day, and even those who have criticised his political career most severely would prefer that he should retain the position that he has filled with such remarkable success.